Boncompagnus [Prologus]
Table of Contents -- Translation of Prologue -- Next title-- Tituli
Incipits -- Siglorum conspectus

[1.1] |Boncompagnus nomine compositoris1 appellor, qui, pratum eloquentie celebri vena2 et solempni stilo regirans3 me ad illuminationem gentium4 et gloriam scolastice professionis eduxit in lucem5 et heredem instituit principalem,6 sicut in testamento suo, quod solempniter promulgavit, evidentius continetur.
| [1r] A   [1ra] P    [1ra] S   [1ra] G         rubr. Incipit liber qui dicitur Boncompagnus A Incipit Candelabrum eloquentie Boncompagni S om. P1M      Boncompagnus: Bonconpagnus BS in M Rock.      sollempni B      regirans stilo tr. A      regirans: regnans Vor      et scolastice prouisionis Vor      sollempniter B      euidentius: plenius Vor      continetur om. P1
[1.2] Seriem siquidem testamenti et dispositionem ultime voluntatis libero stilo et licito arbitrio, quod iterum non redit,7 in hunc modum auctor ipse dictavit.
siquidem: quidem A      libero: decenti Vor      licito: lucido Rock. M?? {cf. Mirra 27.6}      redit: reddit Vor S rediit M Rock.

INCIPIT TESTAMENTUM BONCOMPAGNI8

[2.1] "Ego, Boncompagnus video et considero, quod homo derivatus ab humo subiacet vanitati.9 Dies Domini sicut fur venit10 et repente concludit, subripiendo11 gloriam et vana desideria mundanorum. Quibus de causis finem vite labilis prevenio et meum ita ordino testamentum."12
rubr. MABS (Bonconpagnus B): om. P1 Rock.      Bonuscompagnus A Bonconpagnus BS      deriuatur B      labilis: laudabilis MAac Rock. om. Vor {cf. De malo senectutis et senii 2.1}
[2.2] "Istum namque librum in epistolari stilo, materiarum inventionibus, consuetudinibus approbatis et in variationibus dicendorum michi heredem instituo, volens quod hac sorte debet manere contentus."13
stilo: libro A      materiarum inuentionibus: materiam in electionibus A      hac: in hac M Rock.      manere: esse Vor
[2.3] "Preterea in huius testamenti serie14 statuo et preordino, quod soror eius, que Rhetorica vocabitur15 Boncompagni, progrediatur de philosophie cubili,16 exhornetur velud similitudo templi,17 auro et preciosis lapidibus coronetur.18 Deambulet inter pomeria19 rosarum et lilia convallium,20 flagret balsami et ambre mixtura,21 pandat secretissima secretorum,22 sit artium liberalium imperatrix et utriusque iuris alumpna. Ipsam aliquando Librum de suffragiis allegandi, aliquando Candelabrum eloquentie et aliquando Rethoricam appellavi, ut de ipsius adventu non valerent invidi presagire.23 Illa namque dominabilius imperabit et imponet silentium oratoribus, qui sine communi profectu ediderunt multitudinem preceptorum."24
Boncompagni: Bonconpagni Rock. Boncopagni P1 Bonicompagni B      exornetur Rock.      inter: autem Vor      flagret: fragret SP1 flaglee M      inuidi: impii Vor      scilentium P1      profectu communi tr. A
[3.1] Nunc vero ad te meum heredum principaliter converto sermonem|,25 tibi districte iubendo ut inter me ac bestiam teterrimam, que me persequi non desistit,26 tue protectionis clipeum interponas.27
sermonem| [1rb]  S     teterrimam M: doctrinam Vor teterimam?/teterriam? P1

[Dialogus inter auctorem et librum]

LIBER

[3.2] Ediscere michi de natura et dispositione bestie, contra quam debeo dimicare.
Edissere legi: Dissere M Ediscere SA Edicere B Edisere P1

AUCTOR

[3.3] Hec namque habet capita novem,28 cornua duplicata, tres caudas et quatuor pedes. Quorum quodlibet per se pugnat, per se nocet, nec percutit sine fusione veneni. Est etiam horribilis ad videndum et tempore aliquo non quiescit, sed terrarum orbem regirans quamlibet felicitatem insequitur et probitatem semper invenire satagit, quam confundat, murmurat, stridet, fremit, delirat, devorat, anxiatur, livet, pallet, perstrepit, nauseat, delitescit, latrat, mordet, furit, spumat, insanit, ignit, gannit et gemit, quando nocere non potest. Hora tenet aperta, dentes habet accutissimos et linguas tamquam sagittas fulguris perignitas.29
nouem: viiii. A      quodlibet: quilibet A      nec: et P1      orribilis P1BSM      et gemit om. M. Rock.      nocere repit. P1      ora Vor Berlin S Va      ligwas Vor lingas B
[3.4] Hanc nempe ydram| antiqui philosophi esse putabant.30 Sed crudelior est quam ydra, quia in precordiis hominum habitat, quos intus et extra comburit.
ydram: idram | [1rb] P1      philosophy P1      ydra: idra P1      habitat om. Va
[3.5] Ceterum ipsius| figura horribilis vel ymago anime cogitanti de illius venenosis morsibus et puncturis frequenter apparuit, et quietem virtutum animalium31 conturbando te de meis manibus eripere nitebatur.
horribilis: terribilis Vor Rock.      ipsius | [1v] A         horribilis figura tr. A      uel: est Va      et quietem uirtutum om. Va
[3.6] Unde illam figuram Tartaream in hoc loco dipinxi32 et--sicut vidi oculis interioribus--designavi,33 ut moderni et posteri studeant propensius ipsius toxicata iacula evitare.
Tartaream: tartariam M Rock. cartheream Vor      occulis A      toxicata: tosica Va

LIBER

[3.7] O quam terribilis et abhominabilis est huius bestie aspectus, unde miror, quod in serie visionis tam horribilem effigiem potuit anima| tolerare. Verumtamen certificari peropto, unde contraxerit originem, quo nomine vocetur, ubi habitet et quibus hactenus intulerit lesionem?
et: quam add. Aac      bestie huius tr. Berlin P1BSVa      miror: quis esset Va      horribilem: terribilem M Rock.    anima | [1va] S     tollerare P1      actenus P1B      lesiones Vor

AUCTOR

[3.8] Mater autem huius bestie fuit nature celestis,34 que superbia nuncupatur.35 Et ista vocatur invidia,36 que in se continet omnia contagia vitiorum.
Mater: Pater MB      nature M? Rock: natione BerlinP1 ABS Va
[3.9] Quot enim et quantos non dico ledat et leserit, sed vituperabili morte affecerit et afflixerit diversis generibus tormentorum, ita numerare valerem sicut arenas litorum et stellas fixas in ambitu firmamenti.37
sed om. M      sed...affecerit om. Va quasi per homoioteleuton         ualerem numerare tr. B      litorum: littorum P1 in litore Aac      fixas om. B
[3.10] Verumtamen ad instructionem tuam de infinitorum agminibus aliquos nominabo.38 Hec siquidem primitivum sanguinem Habel effudit.39 Joseph vendidit Ysmahelitis.40 Combussit Babilonie satrapas in camino.41 Porrexit Damasceno venenum.42 Item palatum Homeri ferreo clavo transfixit.43 Toxicavit Socratem cum suco cicute.44 A bimatu et infra in Betehlem pueros iugulavit.45 Mittere in Christum Dominum manum presumsit.46 Multos prophetas, apostolos et imitatores Dei47 usque ad mortem variis penis afflixit. Hec etiam Cesarem in Capitolio viginti quinque vulneribus interfecit.48 Tullium Ciceronem mutilatum lingua peremit.49 Boetium carceravit.50 Exilio proscripsit Nasonem.51 Reiecit Virgilium a laribus Mantuanis.52 Senecam in balneis mori coegit.53 Occidit Lucanum.54 Iuvenalem in Egyptum ad moriendum transmisit.55 Infamavit de heresi Priscianum.56 Mearum salutationum tabulas fumigavit, ut illas indueret sophisticam vetustatem.57 Quid plura? Tot persecuta est et persequi non desistit, quot felicitatem aliquam habuerunt vel habere videntur, et nichil intactum preter solam miseriam derelinquit.
tuam om. Bac      Abel Vor Va      Ysmahelitis M: Ysmaelitis P1 B Hysmaelitis S Ismaelitis Va      Combuscit P1      pallatum Vor platonem Aac paulatim Va      clauo ferreo tr. A      frerreo Bac      Toscicauit P1 Tossicauit S      Toxicauit...cicute absit Va sed habet duas lineas vancantes      suco: succu Vor      A bimatu: A bymatu A      Ab imatu Va      a bimatu: ab inmatu B      Bethlehem legi: Betehlem M Rock Bethleem BerlinP1ABSVa      Betlehem Vor {cf. Boncompagnus 1.2.5}      etiam: enim P1      uiginti quinque: xxv. A      quinque: .v. B      Tullium: et add. Va      lingua: ligwas Vor ligua B      Mantuanis absit Va      Seneccam A      balneis: balneo Berlin Vor Rock      Luchanum A      Egiptum P1ABVa      ad moriendum tr. Va post Iuuenalem      Mearum: Meas A      uetustatem: uenustatem M Va et tr. Va ante sophisticam      intactum: inuictum Va      derelinquid Va

LIBER

[3.11] De natura et dispositione bestie me plenius instruxisti.58 Sed adhuc quero, ubi didiceris et quanto tempore studueris et quis tibi exhibuerit magisterium oratorie| facultatis?
adhuc: ad hunc M      quero om. P1      didiceris et: studieris A didiceris Va      studieris: didiceris A      oratorie om. Aac
orato|rie [1va] P

AUCTOR|

[3.12] Licet ad rem non pertineat, referre ubi didicerim et quis meus doctor fuerit,59 tamen te certifico, quod inter floride civitatis Florentie ubera primitive scientie lac suscepi.60 Sed totum studendi spatium sub doctore sedecim mensium terminum non excessit.61
AUCTOR| [2r] A          referre om. A refferre S      sedecim: xvi. P1A sexdecim S si decim Va

LIBER

[3.13] Credunt plurimi, quod scientiam habueris per suffragia| spiritum immundorum, pro eo quod miro ingenio et superabili memoria radiaris et quia ita videris tangere omnia genera facultatum,62 sicut esses in qualibet eruditus.
Creddunt P1     sub|fragia [1vb] S     sufragia B      superabili: insuperabili Vor Rock. {cf. Palma 32, Boncompagnus 1.1.1, 1.23.15, 4.2.7, 6.3.19}      me/memoria P1      tangere om. Bac      sicut: acsi A

AUCTOR

[3.14] Credulitas et voluntas ita liberum habent privilegium a natura, quod non timent legem aliquam vel decretum nec possunt astringi vinculo vel catena.
timent: retinent Va      cathena A

LIBER

[3.15] Adhuc quero, quid faciam de furtivis depilatoribus et manifestis excoriatoribus,63 qui excoriare64 me presument, moliendo sibi ascribere laudem tui laboris?65
furtiuis: futuris Va      depillatoribus A      ascribere: adscribere M Rock

AUCTOR

[3.16] Scias, quod libri per artificium naturale inventi sunt, apud quosdam sicut specula et candelabra luce radiantia et apud quosdam velut cadavera inter corvos. Item quidam summunt ex eis ut apes et quidem mordent illos ut canes.
radiantia luce tr. Va      cadauera uelut tr. P1
[3.17] Ceterum si te aliqui excoriare presumpserint, ad magistratus cathedras66 appellabis, et poteris eos furti et iniuriarum actionibus67 convenire, hereditatis expilate crimen validius allegando.68
expilate: eius palate P1
[3.18] Demum, ad conferendum perpetuum robor institutioni iam facte,69 super caput tuum laureatam pono coronam.70

LIBER

[3.19] A te postulo edoceri, qualiter veneno invidie toxicatis, qui me dicunt esse prolixum nimium et confusum, debeam respondere?
A: I P1      toscitatis P1

AUCTOR

[3.20] In chamo et freno maxillas eorum contringas71 et dicas, quod Nilo probabiliter similaris,72 qui per rivulos adiacentes diffusus aridas insulas et terras irrigat easque facit uberius germinare73 et tamen alvei profunditas non mutatur.
constringe Va      Nilo: in illo Va      difusus P1      huberius A
[3.21] Certum est et rei effectus ostendit, quod dividi potes in mille particulas et ultra, quarum quelibet humore doctrine aridum cor irrigat et intellectus germen producit tanquam rivulus a flumine derivatus.
est om. Va      quarum: quare Va      quelibet: quemlibet P1      cor om. Va      germen: gramen Va      riuulus: riuus Vor
[3.22] Aquam tuam igitur divide in plateis74 et noli curare, quid invidi referant, qui propter aliorum felicitates igne inextinguibili aduruntur, videntes quod lucem de fumo produxi et ambulantibus per errorum semitas rectitudinis itinera demonstravi nec ob aliud aliquorum errores perlegi, nisi ut per contraria viderem clarius veritatem.
latheis S    refferant S    inextinguibili: inexstinguibili M Rock      de fumo absit Va      ob: hoc add. P1      uiderem: intuerer S

LIBER

[3.23] Aliqua michi deesse videntur ad exhibendam stili epistolaris doctrinam.
stilli S

AUCTOR

[3.24] Subtiliter considerasti, que desunt. Unde scias et non dubites, quod libros, quos primitus edidi, tuo dominio subiugavi, considerans quod nil in te de his, que in illis posui, continetur. Verumtamen sunt dispersi et per orbem terrarum diffusi.
Vnde scias om. A      tuo: trio P1      consciderans P1S      nil: nichil Rock      diffusi: sunt praem. Va

LIBER

[3.25] Nunc autem librorum specifica vocabula| et doctrinas in eis positas sub brevitate distingue.

AUCTOR

[3.26] Libri, quos prius edidi, sunt XI.75 Quorum nomina hoc modo specifico et doctrinas, que continentur in illis, ita distinguo.
XI.: undecim SP1 XII. M      distingo P1 B Va
[3.27] Quinque nempe salutationum tabule doctrinam conferunt salutandi.

[3.28]Palma regulas iniciales exhibere probatur.

Palma: Talma P1 absit Va
[3.29] Tractatus virtutum exponit virtutes et vitia dictionum.

[3.30] In| Notulis aureis veritas absque mendatio reperitur.

In | [2v] A
[3.31] In libro, qui dicitur Oliva, privilegiorum et confirmationum| dogma plenissime continetur.
 confirmationum | [1vb] P
[3.32] Cedrus dat notitiam generalium statutorum.

[3.33]Mirra docet fieri testamenta.

[3.34] Breviloquium doctrinam exhibet inchoandi.

[3.35] In Ysagoge76 epistole introductorie sunt conscripte.

[3.36]Liber amicitie viginti sex amicorum genera pura veritate distinguit.

uiginti sex: xxvi. ABSVa
[3.37] Rota veneris lasciviam et amantium gestus demonstrat.
Rota: Nota B      lasciuiam SVorVa (laxiviam P1 laciviam B): laxiua M lasciuam A      gesta Vor

DE DIVISIONE LIBRI

[4.1] Hic liber in sex libros dividitur ordine regulari.
rubr. om. P1SVa      sex: vi. A
[4.2] Primus est de forma litterarum scolastice conditionis.

[4.3]Secundus formam ecclesie Romane tangit breviter et summotenus, quoniam augmento non indiget plenitudo.

[4.4]Tertius formam continet litterarum, que valent summo pontifici destinari.

[4.5]Quartus est de litteris imperatorum et regum atque reginarum, et de missivis atque responsivis, que possunt fieri ab inferioribus ad eos.

[4.6]Quintus est de prelatis et subditis et negotiis ecclesiasticis.

[4.7]Sextus est de litteris nobilium virorum, civitatum atque popularium.

popularium: populantium Va

1 Cf. Ovid Tristia 2.356. For Ovid's letters of exile, see Boncompagnus 6.5.14.
The prologue to the Boncompagnus was inspired by the Buchanrede of Horace Ep. 2.20, Ovid Tristia 1.1, 3.1, Sirach 24, the iconography of Apocalypse 13.1-3 and of course his own works (see autobibliography--which was probably inspired by Cicero and Augustine), especially the Mirra. The association made at 3.8 of Invidia with Hydra is a logical interpretation of Horace Ep. 2.1.10--albeit an association apparently not made by the commentators of Horace, either ancient, medieval or modern.
     The prologue could also be read in part as Boncompagno's response to contemporary authors: Walter of Chatillon's Alexandreis prol. 1-29 (COLKER ed. 3-4), and Alexander Neckham De rerum naturis 2.XXX, 189 (WRIGHT ed. XXX, 336-343), 3.XXX (= In Ecclesiasten 1.XX, 2.XX, 3.XX (Cambridge, Trinity College R.16.4, fol. XXX,XXX,XXX); Alexander Neckham Laus sapientie divine 317-44 (WRIGHT ed. 509, an address to the book); Buchanrede "Fortasse tuo" of Oxford, Jesus College 94, fol. 125ra.  In turn, Boncompagno's prologue may have influenced Thomasin von Zerklaere's Der Walsche Gast.
     But above all, this prologue must be related to nascent institutions comprising the initiation ritual of graduation in the Bolognese studium. Passage from student to doctor would eventually be accomplished by student examinations, the conventus, masters sermons, the laurea (ie. the licentia docend, modern counterpart = academic diploma), and the inaugural lecture (modern counterpart = dissertation). Conveyance of lawbook. Walter of Chatillon's academic sermon (prose and verse), ed. KARL STRECKER Moralisch-Satirische Gedichte Walters von Chatillon (Heidelberg 1929) 33-57, held at Bologna ca. 1170.

2 Cf. Horace Ars poetica 409 and Isagoge prol., Breviloquium 26, Boncompagnus1.9.1, 1.12.5, 1.14.2, 1.26.4. Medieval medical terminology: D. JACQUART and G. TROUPEAU "Traduction de l'arabe et vocabulaire medical latin: quelques exemples" in La lexicographie du latin medieval et ses rapports avec le recherches actuelles sur la civilisaton du Moyen Age ed. Y. LEFEVRE (Paris 1981) [Colloques internationaux du CNRS 376] 367-76; GERHARD BAADER "Zur Terminologie des Constantinus Africanus" Medizinhistorische Journal 2 (1967) 36-53; IDEM, "Lo sviluppo del linguaggio medico nell antichita e nel primo medioevo" Atene e Roma n.s. 15 (1970) 1-19.

3 Mirra 5.4 and Boncompagnusprol. 3.3, 1.23.5 §1, 4.1.8. §8, 5.1.24.§12, 5.4.10.§5 pun on ruling/wandering (regere/regirare or regyrare). Palma 45 §5 and Boncompagnus1.21.2.§19, 1.25.4.§10, 3.19.8.§10-12 use this verb more conventionally. This paranomasia is founded on sense: G. VON RADE Israel et la Sagesse (Geneva 1971) 188f. commenting on Sir. 24.4-6, notes "parcourir un territoire est le signe juridique de la prise en propriété." Cf. the doctor regens, who taught authoritatively and widely: Boncompagnus1.15.2, 1.15.3, 1.16 (all), and OLGA WEIJERS Terminologie des universites au XIIIe siecle (Rome 1987) 293-299.

4 Act. 13.47, (Is. 42.6, 49.6, 51.4). Literature: LUDWIG SCHMUGGE "über `nationale' Vorurteile im Mittelalter" DA 38 (1982) 439-459; JACQUES LE GOFF "L'Italia fuori d'Italia: L'Italia nello specchio del Medioevo" in Storia d'Italia 2.2.1935-2088 (Turin: Einaudi, 19XX); BRUNO PARADISI XXXXXX. For Boncompagno's idea of Italy, see ROBERT L. BENSON "Libertas in Italy" XXXXXX. Knowledge of the customs of numerous peoples has always been required of a diplomat. BERND ULRICH HUCKER Kaiser Otto IV Schriften der MGH 34 (Hannover 1990) 483 (no. 160), speculates that Boncompagno served Otto IV as an envoy to the court of king John of England in October 1209.

DISCUSS Acts citation. For Boncompagno's ethnologic interests, see TOPONYM6.DOC, CUSTOM.DOC etc.

5 Mic. 7.9, Thren. 3.2. On Boncompagno's vocabulary of publishing: deducere in commune (Palma prol., De obsidione Ancone prol., Boncompagnus 5.20.1 §14, epilog., De malo senectutis et senii 1.2), educere in lucem (Boncompagnus prol.). See also Boncompagnus (deducat in medium). DISCUSS FELT NEED FOR A CANONICAL TEXT IN ARS DICTANDI, similar to Articella in medicine, Bible and Sentences of Peter Lombard in theology, Corpus Iuris Civilis in civil law. Of the higher faculties, only canon law was still partially in flux, until the reception of the Decretales of Gregory IX in 1234. Competition among decretal collections, and among glosses to the standard texts of all faculties formed the context within Boncompagno's strivings must be placed. On the ancient practises of publication: K. DZIATZKO "Autor- und Verlagsrecht im Altertum" RhM ns. 49 (1894) 559-576; K. DZIATZKO Untersuchungen über ausgewählte Kapitel des antike Buchwesens (Leipzig 1900); H. EMONDS Zweite Auflage inm Altertum (Leipzig 1941); J.J. PHILLLIPS The Publication of Books at Rome in the Classical Period (Yale PhD diss., 1981); RUDOLF FEHRLE Das Bibliothekswesen in alten Rom (Wiesbaden 1986) 29-35.

6 As the author's only son, only the Boncompagnus could be a principal heir; its siblings are all daughters. On the ancient concept of the book as the filius auctoris (legitimus vel nothus): Ovid Tristia 1.1.105-116; commentary in edition by GEORG LUCK (Heidelberg 1968/1977) 2.24 and in general WOLFGANG SPEYER Die literarische Fälschung im heidnischen und christlichen Altertum Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft 1.2 (Munich 1971) 16. Plato Phaedrus 278b: "such discourses as these ought to be accounted a man's own legitimate children--a title to be applied primarily to such as originate within the man himself, and secondarily to such of their sons and brothers as have grown up aright in the souls of other men..." See Rhetorica novissima 6.1-2.

7 Codex 1.2.1"Habeat unusquisque licentiam, sanctissimo catholicae venerabilique concilio decedens bonorum, quod optavit, relinquere. Non sint cassa iudicia. Nihil est, quod magis hominibus debetur, quam ut supremae voluntatis, postquam iam aliud velle non possunt, liber sit stilus et licitum, quod iterum non redit, arbitrium." , also quoted in Mirra 27: Vnde sibi nolendi legem inponere non potest, nisi eo tempore quo stilus extreme uoluntatis est liber et licitum arbitrium, quod iterum non redit and by Alexander Neckam, De naturis rerum 2.173 (WRIGHT ed. 297): Liber enim debet esse supreme voluntatis stilus, et liberum quod iterum non redit arbitrium. --- The brief form of testament used here, which begins with "Ego N." and severely curtails any exordium, is prescribed by Mirrac. 23 for sick persons in imminent danger of death, and exemplified in cc. 24-25.

8 According to KRISTELLER, Iter Italiae, this rubric stands before the whole work in Salamanca, Biblioteca de la Universidad Ms. 2613 (olim Madrid, Biblioteca de Palacio 226) fol 2r: "Incipit Testamentum Boncompagni. B. a nomine compositoris appellor..." Reported in CHARLES FAULHABER "Retoricas clasicas y medievales en bibliotecas castellanas" Abaco. Estudios sobre literatura espanola 4 (1973) 151-300 at 208-209 (no. 153, information taken from KRISTELLER).

9 Boncompagnus 1.25.3. 1.25.7, 1.25.9, 1.25.11 §1. On the famous humus> homo etymology, see ROSWITHA KLINCK Die lateinische Etymologie des Mittelalters Medium Aevum, Philologische Studien 17 (Munich 1970) 72-75.

10 I Thess. 5.2,4, also quoted in Mirra 7.1.

11 For subripio as literary plagiarism, see Cicero Brutus 76, Seneca Suasoria 3.7, Seneca Epistulae 108.34. For modern literary treatments, see KATHRIN ACKERMANN Fälschung und Plagiat als Motiv in der zeitgenoessischen Literatur (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1992).

12 If this prologue was actually read in public, Boncompagno could not have been sick at that time--rather, we should read this as dark humour so typical of the author.

13 Mirra 25.6-7, 25.8.

14 Self-referential use of testamentum occurs in most of the model wills of the Mirra.

15 This passage is mentioned in Rhetorica novissimaprol., see also Boncompagnus 1.23.3 §6. The future tenses used of the Rhetorica novissima in this paragraph indicates that book will be, with respect to this testament, a filia postviva or postuma. It was finally completed and recited at Bologna in 1235 (see its epilogue). On posthumous children of a testator, see Mirra 25.8. Note the past tenses. Compare intrusion here of a vexing jurisprudential question, with philosophical implications (liberi postumi) with Cedrus 10.2 (patera aurea vel deaurata). No attempt is made to contribute to a scholarly examination of the problem, rather it is "quoted" for the sake of captatio benivolentie of an audience largely composed of jurists. Similarly, some chapters of the Boncompagnus seem conceived primarily as entertainment. Mentioning possible posthumous children in a will was also a precaution against a subsequent challenge to that will by the action de inofficioso testamento. See Inst. 2.18 and Dig. 5.2.

16 Boncompagno often described elsewhere the meta-quality of the science or art he taught: Palma 6 (dictamen = mater artium); alternatively, as in Notule auree 2, he seems to suggest that his subject is in fact philosophy, in Tractatus virtutum 303, he arrays his alter ego, Buchimenon with Ippocrates, Galen, Socrates and Plato (on philosophi, see below prol. 3.4; on Socrates, prol. 3.10). It should be remembered that in this century philosophers as different as WITTGENSTEIN and HEIDEIGGER thought that true philosophy must begin with a careful analysis of language. On the Boncompagnus as a work of philosophy: Boncompagnus prol. 3.4, note 2 and 3.20 note 2. See also Boncompagnus1.18.2, 1.18.7.

17 Boncompagnus 1.20.17.

18 Oliva 1.3. See also below, Boncompagnus prol. 3.18.

19 For pomeria see Palma 1, De amicitia c. 39, Boncompagnus 1.23.3 §3, 1.23.5 §2, 3.14.2, 4.1.8, 4.1.9, 4.4.2, 5.1.37. [E. HABEL and F. GRöBEL Mittellateinisches Glossar 295: pomerium = pomarium Baumgarten, Obstgarten]. VINCENZO LICITRA ed. XXXX

20 Cant. 2.1; cf. De amicitia 33.

21 Eccli. 24.21 (quasi balsamum non mistum odor meus); cf. also Giacomino da Verona.

22 For the Secretum secretorum, a letter purporting to have been sent by Aristotle to his former pupil Alexander the Great, while he was conquering Persia, see LYNN THORNDYKE "The Latin Pseudo-Aristotle and Medieval Occult Science" Journal of English and Germanic Philology 21 (1922) 229-258; Pseudo-Aristotle, the Secret of secrets: sources and influences W.F. RYAN and CHARLES B. SCHMITT edds. (London: Warburg Institute, University of London, 1982); . For Boncompagno's interest in the occult sciences, see Boncompagnus 1.18.14. This epithet may also suggest he planned the book to appeal to medical students. Cf. Boncompagnus 1.16.2, Tractatus virtutum §7, §33, §52.

23 For invidi (rivals are always plural: caterve, turbe, etc.), see Palma prol., Oliva prol. 1.1, 1.10-12, De obsidione Ancone prol., (tres), Cedrus prol., Mirra prol., Isagoge prol., De amicitia 36 (passim), 39, Boncompagnus prol. (passim), 1.3.1, 1.13.4, 1.18.4,5,9,10,11,15, 1.21.4, 3.14.8, 3.20.45, 6.10.11, epilogus, Epistola mandativa ad comites palatinos §4, §6, Liber X tabularum prol., Rhetorica novissima prol. §1, §3, 11.3.12.

24 Aside from this passage, Boncompagno did not express a critical view of rhetoric based on precepts until Rhetorica novissima prol. See e.g. Palma 6 (dictamen est...collectio preceptorum). However in the Tractatus virtutum §4 and §17 Boncompagnus severely critized Aristotle, the original author of a rhetoric founded in precepts, though on other grounds.

25 The general conceit of an address to a personified book as a prologue (or epilogue) to that book originated in classical Roman epistolary poetry, with Horace Ep. 20. Ovid exended that conceit in his Tristitia 1.1, and in 3.1 the book addresses Ovid. On Ovid's letters of exile, see Boncompagnus 6.5.14. Boncompagno was perhaps also influenced by Walter of Chatillon's Alexandreis, prol. 13-19 (COLKER ed. 3-4), to which has gone unnoticed by scholars of the Buchanrede: GABRIELE WISSIG-BAVING Die Anrede an das Buch in der römischen Dichtung (Frankfurt 1991) 238-265 and S. BESSLICH "Anrede an das Buch. Gedanken zu einem Topos in der römischen Dichtung" in Festschrift Widmann. Beiträge zur Geschichte des Buches und seiner Funktion in der Gesellschaft ed. A. SWIERK (Stuttgart 1974) 1-12; M. CITRONI "Le raccomandazioni del poeta: apostrofe al libro e contatto col destinario" Maia 38 (1986) 111-146. See also above, note 1. and below Chaucer Troilus and Crisede 1786-1800

26 For the criticisms (or persecutions!) made by Boncompagno's rivals against him, see De amicitia 30, Boncompagnus 1.18.2 and Rhetorica novissima prol. 3.

27Mirra 1.2 (In testamentis quidem animabus consulunt et heredibus cauent) would suggest that Boncompagnus prol. 3.1 is indeed part of the `literary testament'. However, the phrase Nunc vero ad te, meum heredum, principaliter converto sermonem is clearly intended to show that the dialogue begins here, for previously both book and author refer to each other in the third person. For the singular form of address used by both partners in this dialogue, see below, note 58. On the dialogue form of Boethius De consolatione Philosophiae, see INGEBORG GLIER Epische Stoff in Mittelalter (Stuttgart 1984) 207: "Die Grundkonstellation des Werkes, das Gespräch eines Ich-Erzählers mit einer Personifikation, erwies sich als so dauerhaft und ausbau- oder wandlungsfähig, daß sie sich noch und gerade im späten Mittelalter großer erfreute...." and PETER SCHMIDT "Frühchristlicher lateinischer Dialog" in XXXXX () 151: "Wenn der Dialog, in dem der Verfasser selbst spricht, erst durch die anderen Gesprächspartner von einem Traktat unterschieden ist, ist für die Bewertung der dialogischen als der eigentlich literarischen strategie offentsichlich weniger die Figur des Autors...sondern die Konfiguration der Interlokutoren entscheidend. Sofern der Verfasser als Informant oder Lehrer selbst auftritt, kommt eine eigentlich autobiographische Intention relativ selten in Spiel." See the SCHMIDT's introduction to the reprint of WALTHER Streitgedichten.

28Although in the oldest legend (Alkaios PLG III4 185 fr. 118) Hydra has nine heads, in Vergil Aen. 6.576 it has fifty heads and in Ovid Met. 9.71 one hundred. Thus it seems likely that, rather than the literary sources available to him, Boncompagno draws here on pictoral sources, where the number nine was canonical. For Boncompagno's use of the visual arts, see DANIELE GOLDIN B come Boncompagno: Tradizione e invenzione in Boncompagno da Signa (Padua: Centrostampa, Palazzo Maldura 1988) 91-111 = "Imaginare: Rappresentazione e visione nelle opere di Boncompagno".

29 XXXXXXX

30 Peter of Blois wrote several poems (Carmina Burana 29, 63) in which the Hydra figures prominently. For the attribution of these poems to him, see PETER DRONKE "Peter of Blois and Poetry at the Court of Henry II" in idem The Medieval Poet and His World (Rome 1984) 324 no. 18 (In lacu miserie), 326-7 no. 27 (Olim sudor Herculis), reprint of Medieval Studies 28 (1976) 185-235 at XXXXX. Olim sudor Herculis (Carmina Burana 63) is also found in F.J.E. RABY ed. The Oxford Book of Medieval Latin Verse (Oxford 1959) 420-423 no. 279.

31Boncompagnus 1.4.1

32Boncompagnus prol. 3.§1-§11 is a source perhaps unmatched in medieval art for studying iconographic invention, in that it contains a new and unique image, accompanied by an extended discussion of the sources, meaning and elements of that image by its inventor and executor. It seems unlikely that an autograph manuscript exists. DANIELA GOLDIN examined the "Boncompagnus" and "Bestia" illuminations of the first folio and edited two titles (Boncompagnus6.7.1-5 and 6.8.1-12) using all existing manuscripts, with no mention of an autograph manuscript. I know of no other instances of medieval authors drawing a symbolic image with an accompanying description, interpretation and explanation of the origin of his iconography. For medieval authors who also illustrated their manuscripts, see eg. Matthew Paris: The Drawings of Matthew Paris ed. M.R. JAMES (Walpole Society 14, 1925-6) and More Matthew Paris Drawings ed. FRANCIS WORMALD (Walpole Society 31, 1942-3); for analysis: PETER BRIEGER English Art 1216-1307 (Oxford 1957) 135-58 and SUZANNE LEWIS The art of Matthew Paris in the Chronica majora (Berkeley 1986). For a discussion of the English tradition of illustrated histories prior to Matthew Paris, see ANTONIA GRANSDEN Historical Writing in England c.550-c.1307 (Ithaca 1974) 365-5. For Ademar of Chabannes, see D. GABORIT-CHOPIN "Les dessins d'Ademar de Chabannes" Bulletin archeologique du Comite des travaux hist. et scient. XX (1967) 163-225 --- Some MSS have a figura Tartarea (Paris 7732 1rb, Athens BN 2097 1v, Siena Bibl. com. G. IX. 31 1rb {beast depicted in space between 3.4 and 3.5}, Vatican, Archivio S. Pietro H13 fol. 1va). Some MSS have a blank space (Munich 23499, [16 lines], Berlin lat. fol. 509, Vorau Stiftbibl. 70 cc. (326), saec. XV (1453) f. 11). Other MSS have neither image or space for an image (Bern Burgerbibliothek 322). --- For the illuminated Boncompagnus MSS, see DANIELA GOLDIN B come Boncopmagno: Tradizione e invenzione in Boncompagno da Signa (Padua: Centrostampa, Palazzo Maldura 1988) B come Boncompagno (Padua 1988) 5-6, 40-41, 44-49. DANIELA GOLDIN says the model for Boncompagno's `Invidia' is the Dragon of Apoc. 12.3-4; rather it is the Beast (Antichrist) of Apoc. 13.1. For a similarity to the Hydra, see Apoc. 13.3. Or, as the illumination of Paris 7732, Athens BN 2097 and Siena Bibl. com. G. IX. 31 demonstrate, `Invidia' is a combination of the classical nine-headed Hydra and the three-headed dog Cerberus (which was second born of Typhon and Echidna, and is described by Vergil as ), with touches of the griffin in the talons of its four feet, touches more explicitly realized in BAV Archivio S. Pietro H13, which has wings and talons).

Aen. 6.287, 6.576, 8.300; Ovid Met. 4.501, 9.69.130.158. Hor. Carm. 4.4.61, Ep. 2.1.10, Statius Silv. 5.3.280, Luc. De bello civili 3.16-17, 4.633-5, 9.641-3. Cf. Dante Inf. 6.13-33, the invidi are found in Purg. 13-15. --- For another example of modulation from the auditory to the visual, in this instance within a letter, see Boncompagnus1.23.13. --- Did Boncompagno show his picture of Invidia at the public recitation? Problem of visual image in an oral performance. For `show and tell' embedded in an oral-written speech situation, compare the first monuments of the Italian language, the witness formulas of the placiti cassinesi. These 10th century Latin confirmation charters of lands claimed by monasteries contain vernacular witness formulas. In making his attestation, the witness held in his hand a plan of the land, described in the Latin text as an abbrebiatura, in which the boundaries were indicated, and said:

This formula is rendered in Latin by a contemporary document as: `Scio quia illae terrae per ipsos fines et mensuras quas tibi, Palafrit comes, mostravi, per triginta annos possedit pars sancti Vincencii.' Vernacular is employed to gain wider publication, to oppose any claim of ignorance by a potential future counter-claimant. --- Are the abbrebiature (plans) of the placiti cassinesi actual graphic pictures or maps of property, or are they merely verbal descriptions? --- Literature: ERNESTO MONACI Crestomazia italiana dei primi secoli (Rome 1955) second ed. F. ARESE; IGNAZIO BALDELLI Medioevo volgare da Montecassino all'Umbria (Bari, Adriatica, 1971); AMBROGIO MANCONE I documenti cassinesi del secolo x con formule in volgare (Rome 1960); M. INGUANEZ I placiti cassinesi del secolo X: con periodi in volgare (Montecassino 1934); HEINRICH DORMEIER Montecassino und die Laien im 11. und 12. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart 1979) Schriften der MGH 27; FAUSTINO AVAGLIANO ed. Montecassino della prima alla seconda distruzione: momenti e aspetti di storica cassinese (secc. VI-IX). Atti del II convegno di studi sul medioevo meridionale (Cassino-Montecassino, 27-31 maggio 1984) (Montecassino 1987) Miscellanea Cassinese 55.

33 Ovid Metamorphoses 2.804, where Invidia pictures to the mind of Aglauros the good fortune of her sister, may have suggested to Boncompagno the idea of presenting here a picture of Invidia.

34 Hydra was the third-born of Typhon and Echidna.

35 Cf. Alexander Neckam De naturis rerum 2.189 (WRIGHT ed. 336)

36 The identification of Hydra with invidia was probably suggested by Horace Ep. 2.1.10:

(Hercules clubbed the Hydra, crushed famous creatures in labors he was fated to perform, but found out that envy could only be mastered in death.)
This passage has not been misread by Boncompagno, rather he has teased out the connection between jealousy and Hercules' death implicit in this passage, and the mythology which underlies it, the story of Hercules and the centaur Nessus (and Achelous), Iole and Dejanira. The key is the poisoned arrows which Hercules used to kill Nessus, arrows poisoned with Hydra's blood. This poison was then also in the blood of the dying Nessus, which he gave to Dejanira under the pretense that it could be used as a love potion. Dejanira unwittingly applied this poison to Hercules, thinking she could win back his love by it. Thus Nessus was able to make good his envy of Hercules from beyond the grave, using as his instruments his own Hydra-tainted blood and Dejanira's blind envy of Iole. For Ovid Met. Dante Inf. 12.67-69. ROSE Handbuch der griechische Mythologie . Hyginus Fabulae. Sophocles Trachiniae. Fulgentius --- For medieval concepts of invidia, see MORTON W. BLOOMFIELD The Seven Deadly Sins (East Lansing, Michigan, 1952); IDEM Incipits of Latin Works on the Virtues and Vices, 1100-1500 Medieval Academy of America, Publication no. 88 (Cambridge Mass. 1979). For iconography of invidia: ADOLF KATZENELLENBOGEN Allegories of the vitues and vices in mediaeval art (originally published 1939, London; translation 1964 New York); JENNIFER O'REILLY Studies in the iconography of the virtues and vices in the Middle Ages (London 1988)

37 (arenas litorum et stellas fixas: Hebr. 11.12). For another contemporary catalogue of historical examples of invidia, see Alexander Neckham De naturis rerum (ed. THOMAS WRIGHT Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores 34, 1863) 2.189. See also Boncompagnus 1.21.4: Profecto Boethius in carcere, Omerus in solitudine, Ovidius in exilio et Seneca in balneis carnaliter decedere per invidiorum nequitiam potuerunt, sed non mori, quoniam eorum fama per sapientiam vivit, regnat, durat et perpetuari merebitur in eternum. Unde philosophie munere predotati non moriuntur, immo post mortem revivunt, quoniam invidorum stimuli delitescunt. Tullius namque mutilata lingua perorat, nec obfuit Socrati sucus cicute nec Damasceno venenum. See also the historical list of acts of fraternal emnity in Epistola mandativa ad comites palatinos §4-§7, which were caused by the personification of division, Phares. It is not clear whether Phares is the child of envy, or envy under a different guise. Superbia's child Invidia (§4) persuaded Lucifer to perform the first act of division, and he brought division to earth with Adam's sin. Phares seems to be the personification of earthly division. The description of Phares at §5 closely resembles that of Invidia in Boncompagnus prol. 3.3.

38 For other groups of exempla in paratactic list form: Boncompagnus 1.25.13. Could B.'s list of authors have come from Cassiodorus Institutiones divinarum et saecularium litterarum or the De viris illustribus literature?

39 Gen. 4.10.

40 Gen. 37.28. See Epistola mandativa ad comites palatinos §6, also Boncompagnus 1.25.13.

41 Dan. 3 (i.e.: Sedrac, Misac and Abdenago).

42 II Macc. 10.13 (Ptolemy Macer). See Boncompagnus1.21.4. --- Ptolomy V Epiphanes (210-180 BC). Literature: A. SAMUEL Ptolemaic Chronology (Munich 1962); TH. C. SKEAT The Reigns of the Ptolemies (Munich 1954); E.R. BEVAN The House of Ptolemy (London 1927); M.L. STRACK Die Dynastie der Ptolemäer (Berlin 1897); W. KOLBE Beiträge zur Syrischen und Jüdischen Geschichte. Kritische Untersuchungen zur Seleukidenliste und zu den beiden ersten Makkabäerbüchern (Stuttgard 1926); CH. HABICHT 2. Makkabäerbuch (Jüdische Schriften aus hellenistisch-römanischer Zeit 1) (Gutersloh 1973/76), 165ff.; F. MILLAR "The Background to the Maccabean Revolution: Reflections on Martin Hengel's Judaism and Hellenism" Journal of Jewish Studies 29 (1978) 1ff; K. BRINGMANN "Die Verfolgung der jüdischen Religion durch Antiochus IV. Ein Konflikt zwischen Judentum und Hellenismus?" Antike und Abendland 26 (1980) 176ff. --- Why is he here called `the Damascan'? --- Was Boncompagno's source for this adjective Flavius Josephus? For his use of this author, see ZIMOLA's notes to De obsidione Ancone. For Latin translations: Catalogus translationum et commentariorum: Mediaeval and Renaissance latin translations and commentaries I. ed. P.O. KRISTELLER (Washington 1960); The Latin Josephus ed. FRANZ BLATT (Aarhus: Universitetsforlaget, 1958-); HEINZ SCHRECKENBERG Die Flavius-Josephus-Tradition in Antike und Mittelalter (Leiden: Brill 1972); HEINZ SCHRECKENBERG Rezeptionsgeschichtliche und textkritische Untersuchungen zu Flavius Josephus (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1977). For literature: LOUIS H. FELDMAN Josephus: a supplementary bibliography (New York: Garland Pub., 1986); LOUIS H. FELDMAN Josephus and modern scholarship, 1937-1980 (Berlin-New York: W. de Gruyter, 1984); HEINZ SCHRECKENBERG Bibliographie zu Flavius Josephus (Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1969); HEINZ SCHRECKENBERG Bibliographie zu Flavius Josephus: Supplementband mit Gesamtregister (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1979).

43 Valerius Maximus Facta et dicta memorabilia 9.12 ext. 3: Non vulgaris etiam Homeri mortis causa fertur, qui in Io insula, quia questionem a piscatoribus positam solvere non potuisset, dolore absumptus creditur. The riddle, according to a gloss on Johannes of Hauvilla's Achitrenius 6.488-495 (ed. PAUL GERHARD SCHMIDT 231, 339): Quotquot non cepimus, habemus et quos cepimus, non habemus. The answer to the fishermen's riddle (lice) is given in The enigmas of Symphosius ed. RAYMOND THEODORE OHL (Philadephia 1928) no. 30 and F. GLORIE CCSL 133A (1968) 611-722. John of Salisbury averts to this story of Homer's death in his Policraticus 2.6 and 7.5 (WEBB ed. 1.141 and 2.111) and gives as its source Flavianus De vestigiis philosophorum. According to WEBB, John's original source was Psuedo-Herodotus Vita Homeri, in ed. THOMAS W. ALLEN Homeri Opera (Oxford 1912) 5.184. --- Thus this line tightly compresses the conclusion of the Vita Homeri in a metaphor of a tongue-tying riddle piercing the bard's palate like a nail. But attention might also be paid to a possible allusion made by the verb transfigo. From the related verb defigo, defigere (to pierce or to bewitch) comes the defixio, the curse tablet. These written curses were commonly published by nailing them up. ROSALIND THOMAS Literacy and Orality in Ancient Greece (Cambridge 1992) 80: "Many curse tablets had nails stuck through them, perhaps on analogy with the magical use of dolls." Thus Boncompagno may intend an additional alternative: the oral poet Homer perished from a written curse. Excessive brevity produces confusion (Quinque tabule salutationum 2.1) and obscurity (Palma 45.6), cf. Rhetorica novissima 5.2.6). --- For Homer's troubles, see the letter of pseudo-Cornelius Nepos to Sallust appended to Dares Phyrgius: JUERGEN STOHLMANN ed. Anonymi historia Troyana Daretis Frigii. Untersuchungen und kritische Ausgabe (Wuppertal-Duesseldorf 1968) = Beihefte 1 zum Mittellateinischen Jahrbuch. Dr. WALTER informs me that there were several late-antique Latin Vita Homeri, scenes from which are sometimes depicted in wall painting. Look up in the Handbuch der Altertumskunde new vol. on late Roman literature. (see RE 8.2213-2188, 21.874-878). See also Boncompagnus 1.21.4 (Omerus); in Boncompagnus 1.2.XX Homerus is given as an example of an aspirated proper name. --- For the wording, see Eccl. 12.11.

44 Plato's complete description of Socrates' death might have been available to Boncompagno in the Phaedo. Henricus Aristippus, the archdeacon of Catania, translated Plato's Meno and Phaedo into Latin during his 1158-1160 legation to Constantinople for king William I of Sicily. According to PETER DRONKE, preface to IDEM ed. A History of Twelfth-Century Western Philosophy (Cambridge 1988) 2: "The two dialogues that Henry Aristippus translated in the 1150's -- the Latin Phaedo (which survives in two recensions, seven manuscripts in all) and Meno (five manuscripts) -- appear to have had scant influence." Editions: Meno, interprete Henrico Aristippo Plato Latinus 1 (London 1940) ed. VICTOR KORDEUTER and CARLOTTA LABOWSKY, Phaedo, interprete Henrico Aristippo Plato Latinus 2 (London 19??) ed. L. MINIO-PALUELLO. See RAYMOND KLIBANSKY The Continuity of the Platonic Tradition during the Middle Ages (Munich 1981). I have not seen ANTONIO CARLINI Studi sulla tradizione antica e medievale del Fedone (Roma, Edizioni dellAteneo, 1972). In Tractatus virtutum §33 Socrates stands among the 5 secular authors (along with Hippocrates, Galen, Plato and Buchimenon) who represent "omnes phylosophi qui fuerunt ante aduentum Christi in prosaico dictamine legem dactilicam non retinuerunt". For a story involving Socrates, see Boncompagnus 1.21.4: Ad hoc enim Socrates dum iret ad scolas auri talentum proiecit in mare, ut nullus crederet vel speraret se posse cum pecunia sapientiam adipisci.

45 Matt. 2.16.

46 Matt. 26.50 (phrasing also drawn from I Reg. 24.7, II Reg. 1.14, 18.12).  See also Matt. 27.18 (sciebat enim quod per invidiam tradidissent eum)

47 Imitatores Dei (or Domini) refers here to crusaders, rather than to some more general category of Christians, such as martyrs, confessors, or saints. In Quinque tabule salutationum 1.3, Christianitatis imitator is one the king of France's titles, won from early French leadership on crusade, and elsewhere Boncompagno calls crusaders Christiani nominis imitatores: Quinque tabule salutationum 1.26, De obsidione Ancone (ZIMOLA ed. XXX).

48 Valerius Maximus Facta et dicta memorabilia 4.5.6, Plutarch, and Suetonius 23 wounds. Perhaps Boncompagno (or his sources) misunderstood Suetonius Julius Caesar 82, which first tells of twenty three blows and then describes the blows by Casca and Brutus.

49 According to Plutarch, Cicero's assassins cut off his head and hands.

50 Boethius Consolatio Philosophiae. Judging from placement within this list, Boncompagno treats Boethius as a classical, pagan author, rather than a Christian of the sixth century A.D. See also Boncompagnus 1.21.4, 6.5.14 and Rhetorica novissima prol. 5, 9, which do not alter this perception.

51 Ovid Tristia 4.10.97-102. See Boncompagnus 6.5.14.

52 XXXXXXXX. See Boncompagnus 5.20.1 §15 and Virgil in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages: A Rough Bibliography.

53 Suetonius Nero 35; Tacitus Annals 15.60-64. Boncompagnus 1.21.4.

54 Suetonius Vita Luc., Tacitus Annals 15.48-70, Statius Silvae 2.7, Jerome Chron. Euseb. ad annum Abr. 2079, Vacca Vita Luc. According to Suetonius, Lucan owed his downfall to Nero's literary jealousies.

55 XXXXXX

56 XXXXXX (see perhaps Enc. Dant. vol. 4). Priscian had finished his Institutiones grammaticae (M. HERTZ ed. in Grammatici Latini ed. H. KEIL, vols. 2 [1855] and 3 [1859-60]) by 526-7 and dedicated it to a Iulianus consul ac patricius (GL 2.2.24). Mistaking this Julian for the emperor, Hugo of Trimberg (Registrum multorum auctorum ed. KARL LANGOSCH Germ. Stud. 235 [1942] 160-195), Boccaccio (DOMENICO GUERRI ed. 3 vols. Bari 1918) and Benvenuto da Imola (J.P. LACAITA ed. 5 vols. Florence 1887) falsely branded Priscian as an apostate. Boccaccio suggests that Priscian's apostasy took the form of sodomy because he was a schoolmaster, who had care over young boys obedient to him. Priscian's Christianity is clearly at evidence in his poetry ("De laude imperatoris Anastasii" ed. E. BAEHRENS Poetae latinae minorae 5.264-274 Leipzig 1883 and "Periegesis" ed. P.V.D. WOESTIJNE 1953), his invocations of God (GL 2.194.11, 2.550.17) and his use of Jewish names (GL 2.148.9; 2.214.15, 2.31.19). The date and circumstances of his death are unkown. It is not known why Dante placed Priscian among the sodomites of Hell (Inf. 15.109). --- Priscian's grammatical doctrine is disparaged in Boncompagnus 1.2.1: nec ipse fuit naturalis inventor, immo studiosissimus compilator, (but see also Boncompagnus 1.16.2). In his Institutiones grammaticae, epistle ded. (GL 2.2.1-3), Priscianus claims absolute originality and novelty for his work, because none had treated the same topics before. See Dante De vulgari eloquentia 1.1.1, for a similiar claim, (although Dante ends the same paragraph with a compilatio topos!). Cf. also Rhetorica ad Herennium 1.4.7 and Cicero De inventione 1.16.23.

57 The story is recounted in Palma 1; Oliva 1.10-12; Boncompagnus 1.18.9; Boncompagnus 1.18.10. See below, Boncompagnus prol. 3.17, note 67. A notificatio clause composed by Boncompagno might refer to this event: Antiquus rumor vobis novam attulit vetustatem (Breviloquium 5). For literature on themes involved in this story: WOLFGANG SPEYER Bücherfunde in der Glaubenswerbung der Antike. Mit einem Ausblick auf Mittelalter und Neuzeit (Goettingen: Vandenhöck & Ruprecht, 1970); IDEM Die literarische Fälschung im heidnischen und christlichen Altertum Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft 1.2 (Munich 1971); IDEM Büchervernichtung und Zensur des Geistes bei Heiden, Juden und Christen (Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 1981).

58The book addresses Boncompagno in the singular, and vice versa. For discussions of the form of address, see Tractatus virtutum §423, §433, §442, §45, §48, §49; Notule auree 92; Oliva 10.17; Isagoge 2.20,47; Boncompagnus 1.13.1§1,§2, 1.14.3, 1.23.3§2, 1.23.104. For another contemporary discussion, see ELIZABETH REVELL The Later Letters of Peter of Blois (Oxford 1993) 230-234, no. 51 (ca. 1200-1211).

59 XXXXXXXX. Men of letters at Florence and Bologna in last quarter of the twelfth century: Haymar Monachus (1171-1177 magister and chancellor of patriarch Amalrich of Jerusalem), Enrico da Settimello (cf. Quinque tabule salutationum 5.9, quoting Elegia 1.25-26), Geoffrey of Vinsauf. Boncompagno himself had at least one successful pupil. Rolandus Patavini Cronica in factis et circa factis Marchi TrivixaneRIS2 ed. A. BONARDI 8.1, p. 135: "Sed hoc ipsis improperare non audeo, quoniam apud ipsos Bononiensis in scientia litterali nutritus, in anno Domini MCCXXI, illic a Boncompagno meo dompno et magistro natione et eloquentia Florentio, licet indignus, recepi officium magistratus." Conrad of Mure may have been the pupil of one or both of these masters.

60 On education in medieval Florence: CHARLES T. DAVIS "Education in Dante's Florence" Speculum 40 (1965) 415-435;

61 If the figure of sixteen months can be taken literally (and not as the normative medieval time for a medieval infant's weaning ), than Boncompagno may have left Florence in his early teens, possibly ca. 1185. This date depends on SUTTER's direct reading of Boncompagnus 1.18.9, which he used to approximate Boncompagno's year of birth as ca.1168-1170. But SUTTER missed this passage's outrageous irony, because he did not notice that Boncompagno's literary rivals taunt him by quoting Ioh. 8.57 (from the Pharisees inquisition of Jesus): Triginta annos nondum habes et Habraham vidisti. Thus one cannot be sure that that Boncompagno was actually about thirty when he wrote the Palma (ca. 1198). Another verse (Ioh. 8.44) from this debate is alluded to in Oliva 18.25 and Boncompagnus 1.18.4. Approached from another angle, this birthdate of 1170 has satisfied scholars who believed the Liber de mailis senii et senectutis was composed shortly before Boncompagno's death. A reexamination of that text in conjunction with the new evidence of the <Epistola Boncompagni ad Philippum electum Ferrariensis> (ca. 1241-1243) and a reassessment of Salimbene's account of Boncompagno may alter our judgment on the circumstances of Boncompagno's death, and thus of his age at death.

62 Vergil. See Boncompagnus, 1.18.14-15 Palma and above, 2.3 note 13. Facultas, evidence for Medicine and Law (Mirra, RN).

63Mic. 3.3 is the source of Boncompagno's use of excoriare, as can be seen from Boncompagnus prol. 3.16. For other uses of this term, see Oliva 1.11 and Boncompagnus 1.6.3, 1.26.2, 1.26.6. For excoriator see also Girardus Cambrensis Gemma Ecclesiastica 2.34.

64Complaint here is made against two possible types of plagiarists: those who might steal portions of the text and those who would appropriate the entire text as their own, after stripping away its outer layers (paratext: title, author's name, prologue and epilogue) --- Boncompagno's accusations of plagiarism form part of a larger theme: the full continuum of writing, from mere copying to true literary creation, seen in comparison to other human (and divine) reproductive, productive and creative activities.

65Oliva 1.10-11, 8b.30-34; Tractatus virtutum 57-63; Liber de obsidione Ancone (ZIMOLA ed.) 4.7-10; Palma 1.
For crimes of scribes against authors and their books, see Oliva 1.12, 8., De obsidione Ancone prol., Boncompagnus 1.1.12 and Rhetorica novissima 10.1.1 (GAUDENZI ed. 292). Cf. discussion of penalties against scribes in Odofredus Lectura super Codicem XXX; in his Lectura super Digestum vetus, D.45.1.72.2 cedit: [Lyon ed. fol. 126rb-va] omnes [scriptores] sunt latrones et baratores.

66Oliva 17.3-4 (with literature there cited), De amicitia 23, Boncompagnus 1.15.3, Rhetorica novissima 6.1.2, <De vitiis evitandis et cursibus servandis in dictamine> 2.6. OLGA WEIJERS Terminologie des universites au XIIIe siecle (Rome 1987) 119-121. GIORGIO CENCETTI "Il foro degli scolari negli studi medievali italiani" AMR5 5 (1939-40) 163-188.

67 "Specifically iniuria embraces particular crimes, both bodily injuries (iniuria re facta) as well as offenses against the good reputation of a person, as defined in the Twelve Tables, in the praetorian edict, in the Lex Cornelia de iniuriis, and later in imperial constitutions. It was particularly the praetorian law which efficiently defended the honor of a Roman citizen against defamation by according a special action, actio iniuriarum." ADOLF BERGER Encyclopediac Dictionary of Roman Law (Philadelphia 19XX) 502.

68 Plundering an inheritance before the instituted or legimate heir entered it. According to civil law, the emperors Antoninus and Severus provided an extraordinary procedure before the prefect of Rome or the provincial governor to prosecute the offense of despoiling an inheritance. Alternatively, vindicatio of the inheritance could be brought against those possessing it. As Digest 47.19 makes clear, these steps were necessary because the actio furti does not apply where an inheritance has not yet been accepted, or if accepted, not yet possessed. Digest 47.1.2: Sed iniuriarum actio heredi non competit. C.9.32, Leonhard RE 4.

69 That is, to the institution of the book as heir. See above, Boncompagnus prol. 2.1.

70 An excursus is required here. We must carefully trace the historical context of Boncompagnus' laurel crowning, because the medieval origins of the Italian academic degree, the laurea, have not yet been explained. On the laurea see LORENZO PAOLINI "La laurea medievale" in OVIDIO CAPITANI ed. L'Universita a Bologna: personaggi, momenti e luoghi dalle origini al XVI secolo (Milan 1987) 133-148 and GIORGIO CENCETTI "La laurea nelle universita medioevali" Studi e memorie per la storia dell'Universita di Bologna 16 (1943) 247-273.

ANCIENT WORLD -- PACIFICUS -- BONCOMPAGNO -- GOTTFRIED VON STRASSBURG -- ALBERTO MUSSATO, DANTE AND PETRARCH
RE 13.1439, 1441 Der Lorbeer ist eng verbunden mit dem Kult Apollons...Da Apollon der Gott der Dichtkunst ist, wurde der L. auch zum Abzeichen der Sänger und Dichter (Ovid Met. 1.557, Horace Carm. 2.7.19, 3.4.18, 3.30.16, 4.2.9, Col. 4.26.1). --- Agon in Rome: RE 1.1.866-7: Livy 39.22 (186 B.C.). The main festivals were the Capitolia (est. Domitian 86 A.D.), Neronia and Quinquatria (RE 1159-60). See LUDWIG FRIEDLäNDER Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Roms in der Zeit von Augustus bis zum Ausgang der Antonine II6 481, 635, tr. Roman life and manners under the early empire 4 vols. (London-New York 1908-13) --- Also the Agones Albanus, Herculeus, Minervae, Solis (est. Aurelian A.D. 274), --- Literature on the Agon: KONRAD HESS Der Agon zwischen Homer und Hesiod, seine Entstehung und kulturgeschichtliche Stellung (Winterthur, P.G. Keller 1960); MICHAEL LLOYD The agon in Euripides (Oxford-Clarendon Press, New York-Oxford University Press, 1992); VICTOR C. PFITZNER Paul and the agon motif. Traditional athletic imagery in the Pauline literature (Leiden, E.J.Brill, 1967) --- The first Roman literary competition was the Neronia, which took place in 60 and 65 (Suetonius Nero 12, 21; RE 42-48) . --- Capitolia: Statius Silv. 3.5.31, 5.3.231; Suetonius Domitian 4. --- Cf. poetic contests by Provencal troubadours in their literary tournaments.  Boncompagno's victory in a certamen (agon) rhetoricorum is dramatically portrayed below Boncompagnus 1.18.1-8. [Felt need for the university-institutional again, this time for the disputatio]. Or his field was still at an earlier stage, that similar to Abelard driviing a rival teacher out of town. --- Boncompagnus 5.20.1 constructs an extended argument using the metaphor of the agon/certamen. See also De obsidione Ancone Sustinete igitur et pugnate viriliter, quoniam in maxima certamine triumphus glorie acquiritur, et qui non desistit currere, bravium recipit peroptatum and Rhetorica novissima 5.5.3.1. Perhaps Boncompagnus1.18.4 relates the contest for which this laurel is awarded. Or perhaps more likely, the primary analogy for this laureate is not the ancient agon, but rather the medieval university graduation (conventus). On this see DIETER MERTENS "Petracas Privilegium laureationis" in Festschrift Johanna Autenrieth 225-247 at 226. [Look at laurea, laureare, laurato to see how far back has this terminology exists at Italian universities]. The fact that above, Boncompagnusprol. 1.1 and 2.2, the language of inheritance (ie inheritance of a cathedra magistralis] is used increases the likelihood that the model of graduation is here applied. --- For the conventus, see Boncompagnus1.15.1-3, 1.18.9 Rhetorica novissima 6.1-2; EMANUELE CONTE "Un sermo pro petendis insigniis al tempo di Azzone e Bagarotto" Rivista di Storia del diritto italiano 60 (1987) 71-86; --- On the future frater Pacifico's crowning as poet laureate by an emperor: Thomas of Celano Vita Secunda S. Francisci c. 72 (see also cc. 86, 82, 99) ed. Analecta Franciscana 10 (1926-1941). The editor of the Vita secunda seem to consider Frederick II the appropriate ruler. But Pacificus entered order in 1212 or in 1215-1216: thus his crowning clearly took place long before Frederick II became emperor, so perhaps instead this crowning was performed by Henry VI, who as we know had an interest in poetry, or by Otto IV. After conquering Sicily, Henry VI took a triumphal journy back to Germany, on which itinerary he passed through Ascoli Piceno (SE of Fiastra!), where he was met by Wolfgang, bishop of Passau. Pacificus supposedly came from Ascoli Piceno. --- Look for Franciscan literature on Pacificus in Archivum Franciscanum Historicum and other journals, bibliography of recent works on Francis, such as TREXLER's book. --- For significance of an imperial crowning of a poet, see literature on Staufer Kaiseridee, Herrschaftzeichen, KANTOROWICZ, Scuola Siciliana, court and literature in southern Italy, and above all, studies on patronage (Mazentum) of literature, etc. Note that the other model was a university-communal crowning combined with public reading (Padua: Boncompagno, Rolandino, Alberto Mussato; Bologna: Boncompagno, Dante). --- "In the marches of Ancona there was a certain secular person who, forgetful of himself and not knowing God, gave himself completely to vanity. He was called The King of Verses because he was the most outstanding of those who sang impure songs and he was a composer of worldly songs. To put it briefly, so high had worldly glory raised him that he had been crowned with the greatest pomp by the emperor. While he was thus walking in darkness and drawing `iniquity with cords of vanity' (Isai. 5.18), the merciful kindness of God thought to call him back `that he that is cast off should not altogether perish' (II Reg. 14.14). By the providence of God the blessed Francis and this man met each other at a certain monastery of cloistered poor nuns (cf. Vita prima §78). The blessed father had come there with his companions to visit his daughters; that other man had come there with many of his companions to visit a certain relative of his." --- "The hand of the Lord was laid upon him and he saw with his bodily eyes St. Francis signed in the manner of a cross with two greatly glittering swords, one of which went from his head to his feet, the other from one hand to the other across his breast. He did not know the blessed Francis; but when Francis had been shown to him in so great a miracle, he soon recognized him. But astonished at the vision, he began to resolve to do better things, though only for some future time. But the blessed father, after he had first preached to all in common, turned the sword of God's word upon this man. For, taking him aside, he gently admonished him concerning the vanity of the world and concerning contempt of the world, and then he touched his heart deeply by threatening him with God's judgements. Immediately that man answered; "What need is there for more words? Let us come to deeds. Take me from among men and give me back to the great Emperor." The next day the saint invested him and gave him the name Pacificus, in as much as he had been brought back to the peace of God. The conversion of this man was so much the more edifying to many in that the circle of his vain companions had been so large." --- "Rejoicing in the company of the blessed father, brother Pacificus began to experience favors that he had not known before. For he was permitted to see a second time what was hidden from others. Not long afterwards, he saw the great sign Tau on the forehead of the blessed Francis, which gave off from many-colored circles the beauty of a peacock." [cf. Ezech. 9.4] --- Contemporary (ca. 1210) reference to poet's laurel crown in the end (ll. 4634-4638) of Gottfried von Strassburg's praise of Harmann von Aue and the beginning (ll. 4639-4664) of his scathing characterization of Wolfram von Eschenbach in the "literary excursus' (ll. 4619-4818) of Tristan:

Magic and Experimental Science, lit. G. LEFF Paris and Oxford in the 13th and 14th c. (1968) 147-167).

71 Ps. 31.9 (the second penitential Psalm).

72 Sir. 24.37. On Sirach 24: OTTO RICKENBACHER Weisheitsperikopen bei Ben Sira Orbis biblicus et orientalis 1 (Goettingen, Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1973) 11-172; JOHANNES MARBöCK Weisheit im Wandel. Untersuchungen zur Weisheitstheologie bei Ben Sira Bonner biblische Beiträge 37 (Bonn, Hanstein, 1971) 34-96; MAURICE GILBERT "L'éloge de la Sagesse" Revue theologique de Louvain XX (197X) 327-348. Add to medieval exegesis (to find more, use bibliography by ANDRE VERNET, remember to get from that also exegesis on NT Epistles): Hugo of S. Cher In Ecclesiasticum Summie regis palatium in quatuor consumatus hoc est in fundamento et in parietibus tecto et ornatu interiore...alia ancilla est Esaias, quem post illum librum iuuante Domino proponimus nos lecturos. Durham, Cathedral A.III.21 f. 26v-90v. Guillaume de Meliton, O.M. Postilla in Ecclesiasticum Multorum nobis...Operi principali duo prohemiasiue prologi...Assisi, Comunale 47; Paris, B.N. lat. 468 f. 5-13v?; Troyes 546. Nicholas of Gorran In Ecclesiasticum Sapientia edificauit sibi domum...Sicut eternus pontifex sua potestate...Bologna, Archiginnasio A.930; Paris, B.N. lat. 15576; Nicholas de Lyra In Ecclesiasticum Omnis sapientia a Deo est...Hoc incipit liber Ecclesiasticus qui primo fuit hebraice sumptus...Paris, B.N. lat. 462 f. 43v-83v; --- Besides the Bible, Boncompagno may have drawn on two classical works for his treatment of the Nile: Julius Solinus Collectanea rerum memorabilium and Pseudo-Aristotle De inundatione Nili. See BRIGITTE POSTL Die Bedeutung des Nil in der römischen Literatur (Vienna 1970). In the Rhetorica novissima 8.1.18. Boncompagno recommends a reading of Solinus to "orators wishing to praise the names of provinces, cities, rivers and localities", after they have consulted a mappa mundi. For manuscripts and editions of De inundatione Nili, see CHARLES BERNARD SCHMITT Pseudo-Aristoteles latinus: a guide to Latin works falsely attributed to Aristotle before 1500 (London: Warburg Institute, University of London, 1985).

73 cf. Isai. 55.10

74 Prov. 5.16. Since the citation functions here opposite to the original context in the Bible, it seems likely that Boncompagno had adapted it for the specific purpose of commending the manuscript transmission of his work. Indeed the metaphor of dividing the book's waters into a thousand pieces seems well adapted to expressing a developing phenomena of the Bolognese book trade, the pecia system. Since the end of the twelfth century Bolognese scribes had experimented in copying manuscripts from exemplars divided in peciae (IRVING.DOC note 27). Sometime towards the end of the first quarter of the thirteenth century this method began to find wide acceptance, ie about the time of Boncompagno's Padua lecture of the Boncompagnus. For similar intrusion of the technology and social relations of bookmaking into a prologue (a common theme of medieval prologues), see Oliva 1.2. For the same concerns elsewhere see Palma 50 and Boncompagnus 1.18.2 [check also lexicon in BONBIOG.DOC]. Among Boncompagno MSS, BAV Archivio S. Petri H13 may have been produced from pecia.

75 On book lists in general, see RUDOLF BLUM Kallimachos: the Alexandrian Library and the origins of bibliography (Madison, Wis.: University of Wisconsin Press, c1991) and IDEM, Die Literaturverzeichnung im Altertum und Mittelalter: Versuch einer Geschichte der Biobibliographie von den Anfängen bis zum Beginn der Neuzeit (Frankfurt am Main: Buchhändler-Vereinigung, 1983). --- Ancient autobibliographies: Cicero De div. 2.1 ff., Galen Peri ton idion biblion; Augustine Retractiones; Jerome De viris illustribus. On the autobibliography, see GEORG MISCH Geschichte der Autobiographie 1.341, The Christian tradition begins with Augustine's Rectractiones, continued by Gregory of Tours and Bede. Boncompagno's list is similar to the Retractiones, with works given in chronological order and descriptions of their contents, but Augustine also included incipits. Because the contemporary transmission of Boncompagno's minor works was primarily in whole Boncompagno-codices, he presumably considered incipits unnecessary. For the patristic and medieval autobibliography, see RICHARD and MARY ROUSE "Bibliography before Print: The Medieval De viris illustribus" in IDEM Authentic Witnesses: Approaches to Medieval Texts and Manuscripts (Notre Dame, Indiana, 1991) 469-494 at 473-475.--- For his interventions in the transmission of his works, see DANIELA GOLDIN B come Boncompagno: Tradizione e invenzione in Boncompagno da Signa (Padua: Centrostampa, Palazzo Maldura 1988) XXXXX. --- For central Italian transmission of De divinatione: P.L. SCHMIDT Die Überlieferung von Cicero's Schrift `De legibus' in Mittelalter und Renaissance Studia et testimonia antiqua 10 (Munich 1974) 121-3. --- For a commentary on Cicero's De divinatione 1.1: ARTHUR STANLEY PEASE ed. M. Tulli Ciceronis De divinatione. Libri duo (Darmstadt, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1963) = reprint of University of Illinois Studies in languages and literature 6 (1920) 8 (1923) at pp. 345-353, and SCHANZ Geschichte der römischen Literatur 1.2.3 (1909) 339-341. --- Cicero's writings also display a more consciously complicated and intentionally tangled combination of Eigengut und Quellen (including pseudo-sources) than would suit modern expectations. For instance, in his philosophical dialogues De amicitia and De senectute.

De divinatione 2.1: "I have often thought and sought long and hard, what service I might do best of all, lest when I broke off political activities, nothing better would present itself than if I should transmit to my fellow citizens the pathways of the best arts [philosophy], which [service] I judge I have now fulfilled in numerous books. For I have recommended, as best I could, the study of philosophy in that book which was titled Hortensius. And which type of philosophisizing I judged least arrogant [assumes the least] and most consistent and elegant, I demonstrated in the four books of Academics. And since the foundation of philosophy is placed in the Limits of good and evil, I exhaustively treated that subject in five volumes and in such a way that the conflicting views of the different philosophers might be known. Next, and in the same number of books, came the Tusculan disputations, which made plain the means most essential to a happy life. For vol. 1) treats De contemnenda morte, 2) De tolerando dolore, 3) De aegritudine lenienda, 4) De reliquis animi perturbationibus, and vol. 5) embraces a topic which sheds the brightest light on the entire field of philosphy itself since it teaches Ad beate vivendum virtutem se ipsa esse contentam. After publishing these works, I finished three volumes of De natura deorum, which contain a discussion of every question under that head. With a view of simplifying and extending the latter treatise I started to write the present volume De divinatione. To that I plan to add De fato, when that is done every phase of this particular branch of philosophy will be sufficiently discussed. And to these books should be added the six books De republica which I wrote while I held the governance of the republic. This is a weighty subject, appropriate for philosophic discussion, and one which has been most elaborately treated by Plato, Aristotle, Theophrastus and the entire Peripatetic school. What need is there for me to say anthing of my treatise De consolatione? For it is the source of very great confort to me and will, I think, be of much help to others. I have also recently thrown in that book which I sent to my friend Atticus, De senectute. And since it is by philosophy that a man is made virtuous and strong, my Cato is especialy worthy of a place among the foregoing books. Inasmuch as Aristotle and Theophrastus, too, both of whom were celebrated for their keenness of intellect and particularly for their copiousness of speech, have joined rhetoric with philosophy, it seems proper also to put my rhetorical books in the same category; hence we shall include the three volumes De oratore, a fourth entitled Brutus, and the fifth called Orator."
Why is De obsidione Ancone omitted? Libellus de malo senectutis et senii, Liber X tabularum and Rhetorica novissima came later, prologues to Azo's Summa Codicis and Summam Institutionum were "ghostwritten" (but see Rhetorica novissima X.X.X). To add: <De vitiis evitandis et cursibus servandis in dictamine> and Epistola mandativa ad comites palatinos. --- For criticism of the theory first advanced by GAUDENZI ("Sulla cronologia" 99) that the autobibliography is arranged chronologically, see DANIELA GOLDIN B come Boncompagno (Padua 1988) 16-17 note 10: "E invece, come dicevo, una elenco ragionato che distribuisce i testi secondo le applicazioni possibili e ancor piu secondo i vari gradi dell'apprendistato dell'ars dictandi, relegandi al margine i testi per cosi dire extravaganti (Liber amicitie e Rota Veneris); perche intenzione di Boncompagno era semplicemente quella di sottolineare la propria attivita, cosi intensa e completa da garantire in anticipo il valore magistrale del Boncompagnus."

76 Rather than referring to Porphyry's Isagogus, Boncompagno's title was more likely chosen in analogy with the Ysagoge ad artem Galeni of Johannitius, ed. G. MAURACH Sudhoffs Archiv 62 () 148-174. This work is cited in Boncompagno's De malis senectutis et senii 2.2 and 2.7. See DANIELLE JACQUART "Aristotelian Thought in Salerno" in PETER DRONKE ed. A History of Twelfth-Century Western Philosophy (Cambridge 1988) 407-428 at 411-416. See also the Ysagoge in theologicam, and William of Conches Moralium dogma philosophorum or Liber de honesto et utili qui est ysagoge et tanquam verbum abbreviatum in totam ethicam PL 171.1007-1056 and ed. J. HOLMBERG Das Moralium Dogma Philosophorum (Uppsala 1929); cf. R.A. BAUTHIER "Les deux recensions du Moralium" Revue du Moyen Age Latin 9 (1953) 171-260 ibid 11 (1955) 51-58



 
 

Additional Materials for exegesis of the Boncompagnus Boncompagni




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© Steven M. Wight, Los Angeles 1998
Scrineum © Università di Pavia 1999