Oliva 50
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[50.1] Et est notandum, quod in priuilegiis et confirmationibus papa idcirco propria nomina in titulo ponit, quia in illis ius specialiter intelligitur exhiberi, licet in quibusdam ad posteros transferatur.322 Preterea tediosum et superfluum esset omnia, que in confirmationibus poni possent huic operi annotare.
capitulum om. B       rubr. om. PTMC absit V       intelligitur: intellig C intelligi V       Preteria M       esset: uidetur add. Tac
[50.2] Set scire debes, quod uniuersorum iura per ordinem specificantur secundum quod petitiones offeruntur.
scire debes: fieri debet PT
[50.3] Insuper ualet papa non solum Romanorum,323 uerum etiam omnium regum,324 electionem litteris apostolicis confirmare, quoniam uidetur esse auctoritas duplicata, quando temporale regnum spiritualem recipit confirmationem.325

[50.4] Et nota, quod omnes, qui aliquid alicui uel aliquibus confirmant, possunt ab obsequio|[32va] sibi uel suis antecessoribus collato uel a religione, seu a re, quam ad propriam spectat iurisdictionem, exordium trahere, secundum quod in tractatu priuilegiorum continetur.326

aliquid rep. V       ad tr. V post spectat       proprie V

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322 The emperor does not include an adressee in the protocol of his privileges: see above, Oliva 19.4-5.

323 The idea that the pope might confirm elections of the rex Romanorum, the German king, was tenatively advanced in an exchange of letters between Wibald of Corvey and Eugene III, on the occasion of Frederick Barbarossa's election in 1152 (JAFFE Monumenta Corbeiensia nos. 375, 382). Like his predecessor, Konrad III, Barbarossa had not sought papal confirmation of his election. Several years later, amidst mounting tensions between Roman curia and imperial court in the final years of Hadrian IV's reign, he strenuously resisted all such notions of imperial subordination to the papacy. For the independant basis of royal power, see RANIER MARIA HERKENRATH Regnum und Imperium in den Diplomen der ersten Regierungsjahre Friedrichs I. SB wien 264, Abh. 5 (Vienna 1969). --- However the idea took on renewed life after Barbarossas death. But at first Henry VI was temporarily successful in eliminating the need for any papal involvement in royal elections. At the 1196 Würzburg Reichstag the emperor briefly persuaded the imperial princes to accept a hereditary German kingship, similar to constitutional law of the French kingdom. After the Würzburg agreement crumbled, he engaged in ultimately unsuccessful negotiations in 1197 with papal legates to have his son Frederick crowned, consecrated and enthroned by Celestine III, without an election --whether as king Germany or of Sicily, or of both, it is not clear (alluded to above, Oliva 19.10). --- At the time of the Oliva's writing--at the beginning of the Thronstreit--the Roman curia and the Welf party presupposed the idea that the pope must confirm the election of the German king--as documented by the RNI. See FRIEDRICH KEMPF "Der favor apostolicus bei der Wahl Friedrich Barbarossas und im deutschen Thronstreit (1198-1208)" in Speculum historiale. Geschichte im Spiegel von Geschichtschreibung und Geschichtsdeutung. Festschrift Heinrich Spörl edd. C. BAUER, L. BOEHM and M. MüLLER (Freiburg-Munich 1965) 469-478.

324 See JOHANNES FRIED Der päpstliche Schutz für Laienfürsten (Heidelberg AK. Wiss Phil.-Hist. Kl. Abhandlung 1, 1980).

325 For the idea that papal privileges help to strengthen a recipients right to a temporality, see above, Oliva 8b.27; for privileges of a patriarch: Oliva 18.14; of an archbishop: Oliva 18.34. The Boncompangus includes papal letters confirming the election of an English king (3.3.2) and a German king, an emperor-elect (3.3.1).

326 The topics of preambles for privileges are discussed above, Oliva 7.19 and 15.3.

© Steven M. Wight, Los Angeles 1998
Scrineum © Università di Pavia 1999