Oliva 9 
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[9.1] Privileges are strengthened by means of signs, subscription and by affixing a bull or seal. For whoever grants privileges places his own signs and seal at the end of the privileges and he makes a subscription in them according to the variety of persons.

[9.2] At all times the lord pope places such signs in his privileges and he makes such a subscription between those two signs placed first. Afterwards, a third sign is formed, as you can see below: <...>.128

[9.3] After the signs have been placed in order and the subscription of the pope himself has been made, the cardinal bishops subscribe, and thereafter others subscribe, according to the custom of the Roman church.129

[9.4] And I believe that bishop who is greater amongst the cardinal bishops shall or ought to subscribe <first>, that is, the bishop of Ostia, and he speaks as follows in his subscription: I, Octavian,130 bishop of Ostia and of Vellaria, because now he has two bishoprics. Then he makes his sign and does not place any verb there, but rather a sign in place of a verb. And after him the <other> cardinal bishops subscribe.

[9.5] Afterwards the prior of the cardinal priests subscribes, and thereafter all the cardinal priests. After these, the prior of the cardinal deacons subscribes, after him the others. Note that here and above, this name 'prior' <signifies> an office and not temporal priority, thus it is not placed here comparatively,131 rather it is the name of an office.132

[9.6] Although the signs of the various subscribers may differ, yet each sign performs the function of a verb (if a verb may not have been there) and elicits the preceding nominatives, although such a sign may have been found to be for another purpose. This sign can denote two verbal tenses, past and the present, as: 'I subscribe' or 'I have subscribed'.

[9.7] It might also be said that this is neither a sign nor is it something put in place some other sign, but rather two S's, tittled in this manner: SS, and inserted with a certain flourish, put there to substitute for 'I subscribe' or 'I have subscribed', because in public instruments notaries substitute these two entwined SS for the verb and nevertheless they omit their own sign, which they are accustomed to use in chirographs.133

[9.8] But I believe that sign or these two SS entwined in this way may perform a double office (where no verb has been placed there), namely that of a verb and of a sign, because I have seen any privileges in which the whole verb was written out and such interlaced SS were then put after the verb in place of a sign.134

[9.9] Some also make a embellished cross135 or another character after the verb. One could even say that such a sign represents the hand of the subscriber, and that is the truth of the matter. Subscribers are sometimes told: 'You shall make your hand here', and notaries call such a sign 'his hand.' Thus, I have still seen some notaries who draw a hand in public instruments.136

[9.10] In many regions they call these signs placed at the end of instruments 'the hand of Martin' and they make these two entwined SS in place of the person's hand who requested that this instrument be made.137

[9.11] In all collegial churches, if prelates and their subordinates make any sale, they subscribe the instrument of sale in the same or a similar manner, and they place the sign discussed previously, or perhaps another one, according to the regional customs. It is thus commonly said in many regions of Italy: 'That man subscribed the charter and made his hand there'.

[9.12] Furthermore, the Camaldulensian138 and Vallombrosian139 messengers carry letters for the deceased throughout many parts of Italy, and show them to collegial churches so that they should make prayers for these. In these letters is written: 'Bishop Io.140 of Pistoia' or 'archdeacon' or 'abbot' or 'brother Martin has died on the seventh kalends of March'.141 And for 'has died' they write in this way: Ø.

[9.13] Then the prelate and canons write in a memorial charter142 which the messengers carry: 'I was at the canonry of S. Paul' or 'I visited the college of the church of S. Paul'. For the voice143 of the messenger is first, but they also make there the aforesaid sign, or an embellished cross or the customary sign of that church, so that authoritativeness may be accorded to the voice of the messenger.

[9.14] The subscriptions having been properly completed, the years of the Lord and the current indiction are set down here to note the date when the privilege was given. To render greater certitude, the place where the privilege should be presented is named there. To increase this certainty, the number of years that the pope had now resided in the apostolic chair144 is set down there. For greater precision, the name of the chancellor or the vice-chancellor who gave the privilege is subscribed at the bottom.

[9.15] After all these things, a papal bull is appended with silk cords. The heads and names of the Apostles Peter and Paul are impressed on one side of this bull, with certain signs and points. The obverse side contains the pope's name, also with points and signs.

[9.16] There are certain secret signs in the bull itself and in the specific conventions of writing and composing privileges, confirmations, and letters. I have often known forgers to be caught by the increase or lessening of these signs.145 It is safer to be silent than to speak of these signs,146 since every Christian must love and revere the Roman church in all things.147

[9.17] It is useful to know why silk <cord> is placed <to affix bulls> on privileges and confirmations. Silk is placed there for three reasons: for the sake of discretion, honor and utility. For the sake of discretion, so that the difference may be noted between privileges or confirmations on the one hand and letters on the other. For the sake of honor, because a place in which more worthy and valuable things are contained is more worthy of being ornamented. For the sake of utility, because silk is a durable material and is rarely consumed by old-age.

[9.18] The papal bull is made from lead for the sake of its manifold advantage. For lead may be easily worked. Thus the bull-maker148 can quickly make any bulls and a design may be well impressed into lead. Nor does lead detract from the bull's appearance, because lead is of a suitable color, it is preserved very well and is invariable unless crushed.149

[9.19] On this account many expenses are avoided, because if a seal should be made of wax the expense would be greatly increased and it would perhaps be broken in transit or elsewhere. That would be an intolerable loss for whomever this business was enacted. For this often happens to the seals of the emperor and of the kings.150

[9.20] The bull could not be made from another metal without great trouble. For gold and silver are very expensive. Swamp-tin stinks and is not of a suitable color. Bronze and brass are certainly more expensive than lead and cannot be easily hammered. I say nothing of quicksilver, because no question might possibly arise concerning it.

[9.21] If the question is raised, 'Why is a papal seal called a bulla?', the following response could be given. It is called a bulla, because just as a gold or silver, bronze or iron bolt (bulla) joins several things together and makes them remain firmly in one mass, so this papal bull presents, impressed by hand, the heads of the apostles with certain secret signs on the one side, and the name of the highest pontiff stamped on the other, and it attaches by means of a silk thread or cord. It might also be called a 'bull' due to a certain similarity, since after the hammering it remains round like a ball (bulla).151

[9.22] If the question is asked, 'Why is it made round?', one can respond that this roundness contains a mystical meaning.152 Indeed a round form is not damaged on its sides, nor does have corners in which any superfluity153 may be contained. Thus, the Roman church should be purged in the same way of all vices.

[9.23] You can see the image of the Roman emperor impressed on the imperial seal, and he holds a round ball in his right hand,154 so that through this image it may be more evidently shown that he should obtain the monarchy of the world. Written on the seal is the devise: 'Rome, capital of the world, holds the reins of the globe,'155 which Alexander, son of Philipp of Macedonia, <in a letter> to Darius, king of the Persians, seems to have solved as follows:156 'Through the ball you wished to send to me, I understand clearly that I should rule the entire world.'157

[9.24] For although the globe may be four-cornered,yet that four-sidedness will be described as round.158 Just as by that round ball the emperor intimates that he is the lord of the world in temporalities,159 so the pope, by similar things, by the roundness of his bull, is seen to rule the whole world in spiritualities.

[9.25] Then again, even if another round shape were adduced, none of these round shapes have to signify anything, except, for example, wagon wheels or children's balls. Small round points are therefore impressed into the papal bull to embellish the heads of the Apostles and the name of the pope. As a sign of honor, painters and sculptors always make a certain apparatus surrounding an image.

[9.26] Or, the points are made so that the malice of forgers can be revealed, since certain signs are contained in these points, which I have not considered appropriate to explain in detail.160

[9.27] If the question is asked 'Why is the cord of ordinary letters made of hemp?',161 one should respond that such cord is unbreakable and can be had for a suitable price.

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128 Scribal ommissions and errors in the Oliva's transmission have partially obscured Boncompagno's intentions. The archtype probably included (Oliva 9.2-9) other papal signa, e.g. after each 'talis', 'talem' or 'taliter'. On the papal rota, see HEINZ HARTMANN "Über die Entwicklung der Rota" Archiv für Urkundenforschung 16 (1942) 385-412. For Boncompagno's suspicions about scribes, see above, Oliva 1.12. The prologue of the Boncompagnus deals with its author's fear for the fate of his literary offspring.

129 For an argument against the majestic plural made by reference to the subscribing customs of the Roman curia, see Tractatus virtutum §46-§47, RUDOLF HIESTAND "Feierliche Privilegien mit divergierenden Kardinalslisten?" Archiv für Diplomatik 33 (1987) 239-268 and WERNER MALECZEK Papst und Kardinalskolleg von 1191-1216 (Vienna 1984) 359-392.

130 Octavianus, cardinal bishop of Ostia and Velletri (1189-1206). For a thumbnail biography, WERNER MALECZEK Papst und Kardinalskolleg von 1191 bis 1216 (Wien 1984) 80-83. Cf. Martini Oppaviensis Chronicon MGH SS 29.407.18-19: Sunt autem episcopi septem secundum primitivam institutionem: videlicet Hostiensis, qui propter pape consecrationem dignior est aliis et palleo utitur...

131 Although primarily correct, the rigor of Boncompagno's argument somewhat misleads. Just as bishops receive priority in their province from the length of time in office, so the order of cardinals in the subscriptions is made 'nach dem Prinzip der Anciennität und eine scharfe Trennung der drei ordines' (HIESTAND, as above in note 129, p. 240). For the term prior: ANNE-MARIE BAUTIER "De prepositus a prior, de cella a prioratus: evolution linquistique et genese d'une institution" in Prieurs et prieures dans l'occident medieval ed. JEAN-LOUP LEMAITRE (Geneva 1987) 1-21 and Boncompagnus 3.4.2 §2, 5.2.10, 5.9.3.

132 For an opposite argument about the petitionarii, see Boncompagnus 3.20.44.

133 Boncompagno follows the ancient Roman tradition, still apparently strong in Italy, of associating the signum with a chirographus, rather that defining the latter as a divided charter. WINIFRIED TRUSEN "Cirographum und Teilurkunde im Mittelalter" Archivalische Zeitschrift 75 (1979) 233-249, determined that according to medieval usage they are two different things, despite the diplomatists' conflation of them since the days of MABILLON, a conflation which became canonical when BRESSLAU repeated it. See also: MICHEL PARISSE "Remarques sur les chirographes et les chartes-parties antérieurs a 1120 et conservés en France" Archiv für Diplomatik 32 (1986) 546-567. Boncompagno discusses the divided charter at Boncompagnus 6.14.2. As Palma 8 makes clear (Epistola est cirografus absenti persone destinatus...), cirographus is not a divided charter.

134 Following his method of separating reason from custom in chancery practices, here Boncompagno seeks to distinguish a abbreviation composed of stylized letters (a logical-grammatical sign) from a graphic symbol. See BEATRICE FRAENKEL La signature: Genèse d'un signe (Paris 1992).

135 For another 'pointed cross', see below, Oliva 10.4; for a littera punctata, see Oliva 19.5.

136 Another example of Boncompagno's empiricism, as above Oliva 9.8 and below 9.16. For a letter which refers to a painted signum, see Boncompagnus 1.23.13. On this general phenomena, see GIOVANNA PETRONIO NICOLAII "Il signum dei tabellioni romani: simbologia o realta giuridica?" XXX 7-40.

137 See G. CENCETTI "La rogatio nelle carte bolognesi. Contributo allo studio del documento notarile italiano nei secoli X-XIII" AMPR n.s. 7 (1960) 17-150.

138 For necrology of Camaldulensian order, see GIOVANNI B. MITTARELLI and ANSELMO COSTADONI Annales Camaldulenses (Venice 1762) 7, Appendix col. 371ff.

139 See Redactio Vallumbrosana saec. XII. 'Cap. IX. De breui et agenda mortuorum' in Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum 4 ed. KASSIUS HALLINGER (Siegburg 1983) 372: Tunc in capitulum omnes redeuntes, quod pro fratre defuncto agere debeant, ordinent et id deuote perficiant. In ipso uero die, si fieri potest, per cuncta monasteria transmittantur brevicula. Cum igitur ad unumquodque monasterium litterae obitum fratris nunciantes fuerint dilate, ilico omnia signa pulsentur. Quibus auditis in aecclesia omnes conueniunt et Uigiliam et Matutinum atque missam et Uesperum summa cum devotione peragant, si tempus permiserit. Si uero aut tardior hora uel ineuitabile impedimentum que superius dicta sunt facere prohibuerit, hos quinque dicant psalmos in uicem ad unumquemque genua flectentes, nisi fuerit festiuus dies, et Requiem aeternam dicentes, scilicet: Verba mea. Domine ne in furore tuo I. Dilexi quoniam. Credidi propter. De profundis. [Psalms 5, 6, 114, 115, 129] Hoc uero ante omnia studiose prouideatur, ne negligentia de dirigendis breuiculis habeatur sed per nuntium certum dirigantur. Nomen defuncti in unoqueque monasterio in matricula scribatur. Uictus fratris unius diei pro eo paupteribus impendatur. Tres quidem integrae Uigiliae in unoquoque cenobio pro ipso, in die uidelicet quo breuiculus recipitur una, in septimo alia, in tregesimo , tercia. Et si fuerit possibile, septem speciales pro eo fiant missae. Ceterum usque ad diem trigesimum commemoretur in omnibus officiis Mortuorum et ab unoquoque fratre duo psalterio dicantur, uidelicet decem psalmos per dies. In loco uib obiit usque ad diem tricesimum portio uictus et potus, quam ipse haberet si uiueret, ponatur in mensa ad locum suae sessionis et pauperibus distribuatur. Et omni anniuersarii die pro eo fiat similiter in eodem loco... --- For comparison, see also Consuetudines Beccenses 'Cap. XXV. De agendis mortuorum et de breuibus' and 'Cap. XXVII. De commemoratione fraternitatis' ed. MARIE PASCAL DICKSON OSB in Corpus Consuetudinum monasticarum 4 (Siegburg 1967) 205-111, 216-8 and Regularis Concordiae Anglicae Nationis [ca. 972] 'De breui [mortuorum]' edd. THOMAS SYMONS, SIGRID SPATH, MARIA WEGENER and KASSIUS HALLINGER in Corpus Consuetudinum monasticarum 7 (Siegburg 1984) 143. --- Boncompagno also briefly refers to the 'breuia pro defunctis' in Tractatus virtutum §5; examples of these are given at Isagoge 3.70-72. Not only at the end of his life, when he wrote De malo senectutis et senii, but also throughout his writing career, he demonstrated a marked interest in matters related to final things: old age, death, funerals and burials. See e.g. Boncompagnus titles 1.25 (DE CONSOLATIONIBUS) 1.26 (DE CONSUETUDINIBUS PLANGENTIUM) and 1.27 (DE CONSUETUDINIBUS SEPELIENTIUM).

140 Johannes I, bishop of Pistoia and Prado (ca 700), or Johannes II (951-985). Contemporary bishops of Pistoia and Prado: Rainaldus de Guidi (Vallombr., 1167-1189), Bonus (1189-January 28 1208).

141 February 23 was the feast of Peter Damiani, cardinal bishop of Ostia (died 22 Febuary 1072). Damiani was the most famous saint of the Camaldolese order and perhaps the greatest Italian epistolary stylist of the eleventh century.

142 This 'quadam memoriali carta' is here clearly distinguished from the 'brevia pro defunctis' described above and thus should not be confused with either encyclical letters or mortuary rolls. On those see N. HUYGHEBAERT Le documents necrologiques Typologies des sources du moyen age occidental 4 (Brepols 1972) 10-11, 26-32, who says (27) that rotuli were not used in Italy. Neither rolls nor encyclical letters are mentioned in the most recent study, THOMAS FRANK Studien zu italienischen Memorialzeugnissen des XI. und XII. Jahrhunderts Arbeiten zur Frühmittelalterforschung 21 (Berlin-NewYork 1991), although FRANK devotes portions of his introduction to terminological problems (1-4) and to a review of the literature and editions sources of Italian Memorialquellen (4-11). --- The 'carta memorialis' Boncompagno describes here seems rather to have been a separate and quite temporary written device to certify that the Vallumbrosian or Camaldolese messengers thoroughly executed their itinerary. To my knowledge, no such certifying documents have survived, nor are they prescribed in the monastic custumals (see previous note), although the procedure Boncompagno here describes may be of later date than the Redactio Vallumbrosana saec. XII. I have found not mention of this practice in Memoria-scholarship, for example in GERT MELVILLE, "Zur Funktion der Schriftlichkeit im institutionellen Gefüge mittelalterlicher Orden" Frühmittelalterliche Studien 25 (1991) 391-417. Without scholarly value is JEAN-CLAUDE KAHN Les moins messagers: la religion, le pouvoir et la science saisis par les rouleaux des morts, XIe-XIIe siecles (Paris: JC Lattes 1987).

143 Prelates of the house visited certified the visit by signing as the 'vox nuntii' (in the first person) for the messenger, who was presumeably illiterate. This terminology has biblical overtones: Ioh. 12.30, (cf. Is. 40.3) and Nah. 2.13; in general: Ioh. 1.1,23. Boncompagno generally uses vox to mean 'voice' (as opposed to 'word'), whether he is dealing with phonological, ethnological, ornithological, musical, rhetorical or legal subjects. See Boncompagnus 4.7.5, 5.1.24, 5.20.1 §16 and Prooemium Boncompagni ad Summam Institutionum Azonis. For the difference between the messenger and the message, see Palma cc. 9-11.

144 For a preamble 'In apostolatus cathedra...' see above, Oliva 7.10, below 17.3.

145 Boncompagno distinguishes the restricted scope in diplomatic of a standard rhetorical method (variation by amplification or diminution). Cf. Innocent III Licet ad regimen (Potthast 365, Sept. 1198; Comp. III. 5.11.2; X. 5.20.5): Sed hae duae species falsitatis non possunt facile comprehendi, nisi vel in modo dictaminis, vel in forma scripturae, vel qualitate chartae falsitas cognoscatur. For other papal decretals on forgery, see Liber X 5.20 (De crimine falsi), 1.3 (De rescriptis), 2.22 (De fide instrumentorum), also Die Register Innocenz III 1.83 and CHARLES DUGGAN "Improba pestis falsitatis. Forgeries and the problem forgery in twelfth-century decretal collections (with special reference to English cases)" in HORST FUHRMANN ed. Fälschungen im Mittelalter. Internationaler Kongress der MGH, München, 16.-19. September 1986 MGH Schriften 33, 4 volumes, (Hannover 1988) 2.319-362.

146 The artistry of a notorious forger of papal bulls is referred to with this same phrase in Boncompagnus 3.13.17.

147 A brevitas-transition is also motivated by the fear of revealing authenticating secrets of papal charters below, Oliva 9.26. This fear clearly distinguishes the possibilities of a medieval charter doctrine from modern diplomatic.

148 See M. TOSI "Bullaria e bullatores della Cancelleria Pontificia" Gli archivi italiani 4 (1917) XXX-XXX.

149 For a (supposed) seal matrix from the reign of Clement III, see SCHLOSSER, Jahrbuch der kunsthistorische Sammlungen des Kaiserhauses 13 (1892) 44, cited in LUDWIG SCHMITZ-RHEYDT "Ein Bullenstempel des Papstes Innocenz IV" MIOG 17 (1896) 64-71 at 66.

150 Cf. a diploma of emperor Henry VI for count Guido of Biandrate (BB 551), the confirmation of a privilege granted by Frederick Barbarossa to the count's father: non obstante, quod sigillum impressum cereum vetustate et fractura lesum periit et sigilli sollempntias defuit consueta, quoted in PETER CSENDES Die Kanzlei Heinrichs VI (Vienna 1981) 127. CSENDES notes that more than four-fifths of Henry's 27 gold seals were prepared for Italian recipients.

151 Cf. Isidore of Seville Etymologiae 19.31.11: bullae (scil.: dicta sunt), quod sint similes rotunditate bullis, quae in aqua vento inflantur.

152 Cf. Innocent III to King Richard of England, 29 May 1198, Die Register Innocenz III 1. 295-297 n. 206, at p. 296, describing the gift of a ring: ...in te volumus spiritualiter intelligere...ut misterium potius quam donum attendas. Rotunditas enim eternitatem significat, que initio caret et fine. Habet enim regalis prudentia, quid in annuli forma requirat, ut de terrenis transeat ad celestia, de temporalibus ad eterna procedat.

153 Cf. Timaeus a Calcidio translatus Corpus Platonicum Medii Aevi, Plato Latinus 4, ed. J. H. WASZINK (London 1975) 25.21, 40.21. Alexander Neckam De naturis rerum 2. prol. (WRIGHT ed. 125): ...figuram mundi dixerim rotundam, quamquam et in hoc perfectio conditoris eluceat...; 2.14 (Wright ed. 136): Per rotunditatem autem perfectio intelligitur. Medieval medical theories prescribed therapeutic bloodletting in order to remove superfluities.

154 The emporer holds a scepter in his right hand and the orb in his left on Staufer seals. Boncompagno here designates right and left from the subjective perspective (ie. an onlooker's); in Rota veneris 1 he employs the objective viepoint ('proper' right and left, in the terminology of art historians): ...regale sceptrum in manu dextra dominabiliter deferendo. For the general problem of descriptive perspective of right and left, see KURT REINDEL Die Briefe des Petrus Damiani MGH Briefe der deutschen Kaiserzeit (Munich 1983-1993) 3.90-99 (ep. 159) at 91-2, notes 5-8 with literature cited there, and my translation of De doctrina privilegiorum 1.9 at note 13.

155 Devise of the Staufer seal.

156 Leo of Naples Historia de preliis (recensions J1 and J2, edd. ZINGERLE and HILKE, 36ff.): per rotunditatem pile intelligo, quia subiugabitur mihi imperium totius orbis. The invectives of kings Otto IV of Braunschweig and Philipp I of Suabia (Boncompagnus 4.2.6-7), a rare example of contraversial literature from the Thronstreit of 1197-1208, are modelled on this letter exchange of Darius and Alexander. Indeed the entire Historia de preliis is filled with letters; their influence on Boncompagno deserves further study. --- Such a study would make up part of a entire evalutation of Boncompagno's knowledge of ancient and medieval letter collections. He often demonstrates a profound knowledge of the letters of ancient Roman authors; whose direct influences on Boncompagno's works of ars dictandi often seem to be bounded by that genre, whether verse or prose letters. The only general study of the genre seems to be HERMANN PETER Der Brief in der römischen Literatur: litterargeschichtliche Untersuchungen und Zusammenfassungen Abhandlungen der Philol.-hist. Classe der Königl. Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissentschaften 20.3 (Leipzig 1901), see also the articles in PAULY-WISSOWA RE, Der Kleine Pauly and Lexikon der antike Welt. For the epistles of the New Testament, see OTTO ROLLER Das Formular der Paulischen Briefe. Ein Betrag zur Lehre von Antiken Briefe (Stuttgart 1933); A. HARNACK Die Briefsammlung des Apostels Paulus und die andern vorkonstantinischen christlichen Briefsammlungen (1926); HERMAN PROBST Paulus und der Brief (Tübingen 1991) 55-105.

157 Boncompagno may have influenced to include this passage by the version of this letter-exchange in Walter of Chatillon's Alexandreis 2.37-39, 43-44 (COLKER ed. 38-39):

Gloss on these verses: ymagine id est sigillo regali impresso ceris (COLKER ed. 374). Walter's source for this passage (Iulii Valerii Epitome 36ff.) makes no reference to Alexander's wax seal. -- Walter of Chatillon's poetry survives in few Italian manuscripts. The above-quoted lines are found in a Italian florilegium (Bern Stadtbibliothek 710, ca. 1200, prov. S. Maria de Prato) and in two thirteenth-century manuscripts from Florence (Laurenz. Plut. xxxiv 48 and Strozz. 138). Walter's poetry is quoted in the Elegia of Enrico da Settimello, the most famous living Tuscan poet of Boncompagno's youth. Settimello lies only a few kilometers from Signa and Enrico shared with Boncompagno the patronage of the Haymar Monachus, himself a Florentine poet--on whom, see above Oliva 7.1 and below, 10.15 and 37.1. In addition, we know that Walter of Chatillon visited Bologna ca. 1170, where he delivered an oration in prose and verse to the studium--possibly an influence on the prologue of the Boncompagnus, which was also recited before the studium. See also above, Oliva 1.1.

158 Praeexercitamenta Prisciani grammatici ex Hermogena versa 11, in HALM Rhetori Latini minores 555 ff. (also in KEIL Grammatici Latini 3.430 ff.): quaestio (thesis) of the genus iudiciale: an pilae formam habeat mundus? Cf. also Pseudo-Bede De mundi celestis terrestrisque constitutione ed. CHARLES BURNETT (London 1985) Warburg Institute surveys and texts, v. 10 [ca. 1200].

159 See JOSEF DEER, "Der Globus des spätrömischen und des byzantischen Kaisers. Symbol oder Insigne?" Byzanz und das abendländische Herrschaft Vorträge und Forschungen 21 (Sigmaringen 1977) 70-124.

160 For the system of authenticating papal bulls by their number of puncta, see Registrum Innocentii III 13.54 (PL ), which was misunderstood by MABILLON (De re diplomatica 624). LEOPOLD DELISLE "Memoire sur les actes d'Innocent III" BEC ser.4 4 (1858) 47-8 was the first to cite the explanation of Martin of Troppau's Summa decreti et decretalium at Liber X.5.20.5 (LUDWIG SCHMUGGE is preparing an edition of Martinus Polonus). R. L. POOLE Lectures on the History of the Papal Chancery (Cambridge 1915) 120: "In the course of time a fixed number of dots were required to surround the circumference, to mark off the heads from the space occupied by the Cross, and to fill in the head and beard of St. Peter; and as these dots were increased or diminished in different pontificates, to count them furnished a test of genuineness." See also DIEKAMP MIOG 3.613-626, 4.530-534, L. SCHMITZ-RHEIDT MIOG 17 (1896) 65, and HARRY BRESSLAU Handbuch der Urkundenlehre 2.610-611. --- See also above, Oliva 9.16 and Conrad of Mure Summa de arte dictandi (KRONBICHLER ed. 167).

161 For the techniques of medieval letters: GILES CONSTABLE Letters and Letter Collections (Turhout 1976); KURT REINDEL "Studien..." 1 52ff; HARTMUT HOFFMANN "Zum mittelalterlichen Brieftechnik in Spiegel der Geschichte" in Festgabe für Max Braubach (Munster 1964) 141-170; specifically on letters of German kings: CARL ERDMANN "Untersuchungen zu den Briefen Henrichs IV" Archiv für Urkundenforschung 16 (1939) 184-253. GIROLAMO ARNALDI is preparing a extensive study on surviving medieval original letters, see Gazette du livre medieval 23 (1993) XXX.

© Steven M. Wight, Los Angeles 1998

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